Church, Faith and Culture in the Medieval West Series Editors: Brenda Bolton, with Anne J. Duggan and Damian J. Smith Poverty and Devotion in Mendicant Cultures 1200-1450 The series Church, Faith and Culture in the Medieval West reflects the central concerns necessary for any in-depth study of the medieval Church - greater cultural awareness and interdisciplinarity. Including both monographs and edited collections, this series draws on the most innovative work from established and younger scholars alike, offering a balance of interests, vertically through the period from c. 400 to c.1500 or horizontally across Latin Christendom. Topics covered range from cultural history, the monastic life, relations between Church and State to law and ritual, palaeography and textual transmission. All authors, from a wide range of disciplinary backgrounds, share a commitment to innovation, analysis and historical accuracy. Edited by Constant J. Mews and Anna Welch Recent titles in the series: Commemorating the Dead in Late Medieval Strasbourg Charlotte A. Stanford Joachim of Fiore and the Influence oflnspiration Julia Eva Wannenmacher Episcopal Appointments in England, c. 1214-1344 Katherine Harvey Liturgy and Society in Early Medieval Rome John F. Romano Rome and Religion in the Medieval World Valerie L. Garver and Owen M. Phelan Godfrey ofViterbo and his Readers Thomas Foerster Papal Justice in the Late Middle Ages Kirsi Salonen Pope Innocent II (1130-43) John Doran and Damian]. Smith The Church at War Daniel M. G. Gerrard iｾ＠ ~?io~f!;~~:up LONDON AND NEW YORK 104 Devotional cultures 28 For the fresco cycle see the chapter on Giovanni da Milano by Mina Gregori in II Complesso Monumentale di Santa Croce, ed. by Umberto Baldini and Bruno Naldini (Florence: Nardini Editore, 1983), pp. 161-7. 29 Offner and Steinweg, A Critical and Historical Corpus, p. 80. 30 Although the earliest textual sources of the Stigmatisation describe Br Leo's presence, the first surviving visual image of the subject to include him in the scene is in the fresco of The Stigmatisation of St Francis, from the cycle of the Life of St Francis in the Upper Basilica, at Assisi, c. 1297. See Gardner, 'The Louvre Stigmatization', p. 226. 31 Henrietta Leyser, Hermits and the New Monasticism: A Study of Religious Communities in T-vestern Europe 1000-1150 (London: Macmillan, 1984). 32 Piero Torriti, La Pinacoteca Nazionale di Siena i dipinto dal XII al XV secolo (Genoa: Sagep Editrice, 1980), pp. 328-9; see also John Pope-Hennessy, Giovanni di Paolo, 1403-1483 (London: Chatto and Windus, 193 7), pp. 70-1. 33 For an introduction to Giovanni di Paolo's place in the history of fifteenth-century Sienese painting see Carl Brandon Strehlke, 'Giovanni di Paolo', in Painting in Renaissance Siena, 1420-1500, by Keith Christiansen, Laurence B. Kantor and Carl Brandon Strehlke (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1989), pp. 168-242 (esp. pp. 168-169). 34 On this convention in late medieval altarpieces see Williamson, 'Altarpieces', p. 363. 35 Bonaventure, 'The Tree of Life', trans. by Ewert Cousins, in Bonaventure: The Soul'., Journey into God, The Tree of Life, The Life of St Francis (New York: Paulist Press, 1978),p.157. 36 Bonaventure,'TheTree ofLife',p. 157. 37 Bonaventure, 'The Life of St Francis', trans. by Ewert Cousins, in The Soul's journey into God, pp. 305-6. 38 Thomas of Celano 'The Treatise on the Miracles of St Francis', in FAED II, pp. 397-468. 39 I am grateful to Anna Welch for bringing this text to my attention. 40 Celano,'Treatise',FAEDil,pp. 417-19 (Ch.6). 41 Celano, 'Treatise', FAED II, p. 418. 42 Jacques Dalarun, Francis ofAssisi and the Feminine (St Bonaventure, NY: Franciscan Institute Publications, 2006), p. 130. This identification of Lady Jacopa as a second Magdalen has also been noted by Katharine Jansen. See her 77ie Making of the Magdalen, p. 261. 43 The homily was attributed to Origen in the Middle Ages.Victor Saxer in his study of the manuscript tradition of the homily dates it to the twelfth century. He suggests the homily may have been composed by Odo of Morimond (d. 1161). See Victor Saxer, 'L'homelie latine du Pseudo-Origene sur Jean XX, 11-18: tradition manuscrite et origine historique', Studi Medievali, 3rd. ser., 26 (1985), pp. 667-76. I have used the translation by Rodney K. Delasanta and Constance M. Rousseau in their 'Chaucer's Orygenes upon the Maudeleyne: A Translation', The Chaucer Revieu> 30/4 (1996),pp. 319-42 (esp.p.324). 44 Dalarun, Francis ofAssisi, pp. 54-60, 131-2. 45 See Katharine Jansen, The Making of the Magdalen, pp. 84--5, 138-42. 46 See Derbes and Sandona, 77ze Usurer's Heart, p. 71. 47 See Krijn Pansters, Franciscan Virtue: Spiritual Growth and the Virtues in Franciscan Literature and Instruction of the Thirteenth Century (Leiden: Brill, 2012), pp. 44-68. 7 The prayer Anima Christi and Dominican popular devotion Late medieval examples of the interface between high ecclesiastical culture and popular piety Earl Jeffrey Richards The historically influential prayer Anima Christi represents a remarkable synthesis of high and lay piety and seems, ultimately, to be the evidence of the growth of Eucharist piety beginning with liturgical reforms introduced a century before its composition. Written some time before 1315, but first attested only from around 1340, the prayer was initially recited as a post-Eucharist prayer in the Mass, but rapidly experienced a socially and linguistically heterogeneous transmission independent of this original liturgical context. From an intellectual perspective, i.e., from the abstract point of view of high piety, this prayer represents a perfect conclusion to Thomas Aquinas's meditation on the Eucharist, culminating in the composition of his portions for the new office of Corpus Christi. All the same, it presented Thomas's thought concisely but comprehensibly, allowing it to become part and parcel of popular piety for centuries, articulating a particularly intense personal devotion in simple, direct terms that could easily be recast in different vernaculars. The prayer's form is straightforward; it's Latin, often very close to the Romance vernaculars, and immediately understandable. It begins : with a series of very short but stunningly moving requests: The complete Latin ' text of the prayer is as follows: Anima Christi, sanctifica me. Corpus Christi, salva me. Sanguis Christi, inebria me. Aqua lateris Christi, lava me. Passio Christi, conforta me. 0 bone Jesu, exaudi me. Intra tua vulnera absconde me. Ne permittas me separari a te. Ab hoste maligno defende me. In hora mortis meae voca me. Pone me iuxta te Ut cum Sanctis tuis laudem te. In saecula saeculorum. Amen. [Spirit of Christ, sanctify me / Body Christ, save me / Blood of Christ, make me drunk /Water from Christ's side, wash me / Passion of Christ, 106 Devotional cultures comfort me / 0 good Jesus, hear me / In your wounds hide me. / Do not allow me to be separated from you. / From the wicked enemy defend me / In the hour of my death, call me. / Place me by your side / so that with your saints I may praise you. / For age unto age. Amen.]1 The _p~ayer was in all likelihood written by the Augustinian Giles of Rome (Aegidms Romanus) before 1315, most probably under the influence of the Feast of Corpus Christi, for which Giles's teacher, Thomas Aquinas, had written the new office, or, at least, many parts of it. The prayer Anima Christi appears to have emerged from a specifically Thomist context in which the thematic connection anima-corpus-sanguis was strongly emphasised. At the same time, the popular transmission of the prayer reflects how early Dominicans sought to reconcile their own profound and Latin-speaking intellectual culture with the popular culture of their listeners, and how these two cultures interacted with each other. In attempting to assess the relationship between official, ecclesiastical culture and popular piety within the early Dominican order, the majority of scholars have ?ecried the virtual lack of written documentation for popular piety. This quest10n has most recently been studied in a series of excellent studies collected by Stephanie Lebriz and Geraldine Veysseyre in 2010, which address repeatedly the linguistic interpenetration of Latin and medieval French. 2 The frequency of expressions such as ut vulgo dicitur (including its many variants such as quod vulgo vocant or quod audire vulgo soles), while dating back to Cicero and Seneca, attests to constant everyday interactions between Latin and the vernac~lar among post-classical authors. 3 The analysis proposed here will attempt to situate the discussion of this phenomenon in the context of the works of Jacques Le Goff, Jean-Claude Schmitt, Aron Gurevich and Klaus Schreiner which grapple with the relationships between official and popular devotion, between 'high' and 'low' religious cultures. In this chapter it will be important to show how the masterpiece represented by the prayer Anima Christi emerged out of tensions between official ecclesiastical culture and popular piety. It is first recorded in Latin in British Library, Harley 2253, a trilingual manuscript with Latin, Old French and Middle English texts, including both prayers andfabliaux, copied around 1340 in Herefordshire by one or two scribes, most likely for the former Bishop of Hereford, Adam Orleton. 4 Part of the dating depends on the fact that the manuscript contains the first transcription of the prayer Anima Christi for which Pope John XXII had granted an indulgence in 1330, and that Orleton had close ties ~o the curia and to John XXII. 5 Here we have a prime example of a manuscnpt whose composition is a veritable snapshot of medieval multilingualism. The prayer is transcribed on folio 54vh, and some 60 folios later, the same scribe transcribes the somewhat notorious Jabliau of the knight who was able to make women's genitals speak, Du chevalier qui fait paller [sic, recte parler] les cons (£ 122v-124r), 6 a tale essentially about sexual hypocrisy which later inspired Diderot's Les bij"oux indiscrets. The essential point is that Harley 2253, The prayer Anima Christi and Dominican popular devotion 107 the first witness of the Anima Christi, shows in practice that the boundaries between 'official' and 'popular' or 'lay' religion were ~s fl~id as the bound~ries between Latin and the vernacular. It also seems to md1cate that Thomas s new office, written to replace the original version composed by Juliana of Cornillon, that was itself far from popular, only slowly gained acceptance: not until John XXII (1316-34, under whose papacy Thomas was canonised) was the feast widely adopted. Because the new feast was part of the ordinary cycle , of the liturgy (and not part of the sanctoral cycle, in which different orders could add their own feasts without obligation), its acceptance represents a radical reform indeed that only slowly took shape. Three approaches to official versus popular devotion '1 The current discussion of the relationship between popular or folkloric religion and learned or official religion in medieval Western European Christianity has more often than not posited two clearly distinct cultures, the first being oral and traditional with roots in pagan traditions, and articulated among the laity in the vernacular, whereas the latter is seen as elitist, written and Latinate. This situation in English, French, and Italian scholarship goes back to the works of Jacques Le Goff and Jean-Claude Schmitt, particularly to Le Goff's classic essay on St Marcel's cult in Pour un autre moyen age and to proceedings of the colloquium Faire croire: modalites de la dijfusion et de la reception des messages religieux du xne au xv siecle, sponsored by the Ecole franc;:aise de Rome and the institute of medieval history at the University of Padua in 1979 and published in 1981. The fundamental position of all of these papers was summarized by a reviewer (with apologies to Pirandello) as 'seventeen authors in search of two religious cultures.' 7 The participants of this colloquium insisted on a fundamental incommunicability between learned and popular culture and on the relative coherence of popular religious culture in confrontation with elitist culture. Striking in the scholarship on this topic is the absence of philological and linguistic analysis. Linguistic mixtures found in sermons and the extra-liturgical transmission of the prayer Anima Christi mixing both vernacular and Latin offer precious but extremely rare documentation of the dynamic interface between popular piety and official ecclesiastical culture. To be sure, Jean-Claude Schmitt and his colleagues sometimes reintroduce, unknowingly, the concept of elitist culture percolating down to the masses when they admit that there were mediators between these two cultures, who were themselves members of the elite. Their influence was exercised usually in a single direction, from the elite to the folk, and designed to impose a clerical culture on the masses, though Jean-Claude Schmitt proposes one example of St Dominic and the cat of Fanjeaux, speaking for a more complex interaction between the two poles of high and low culture. The intellectually superior elite are both creative and hegemonic, and their culture sinks down onto the lower classes and shapes their culture. The notion of 'sunken cultural artefacts' or versunkene Kulturguter was first proposed in the 1920s by the influential 108 Devotional cultures ethnologist (and Germanist) Hans Naumann in his standard work on the fundamentals of German ethnology, Grundzuge der deutschen Volkskunde (1922). Naumann's concept here was itself inspired by the e.lrlier works of Lucien Levy-Bruhl (Fonctions mentales dans les societes inferieures in 1910 and La men ta lite pri~itive in ｾ＠ 9~2, studies which Levy-Bruhl later criticised, indeed rejected, for their colomahst presuppositions). In many ways, Levy-Bruhl's influence still survives in the rigid d~chotomy between high and low culture found in many contempo~ary works m the field of cultural studies. According to the general argument m much contemporary French scholarship, the gulf between these two religious cultures was carefully maintained, indeed cultivated, for political reasons. Nevertheless, m this entire discussion there remains an almost insurmounta~le obstacle: the simple fact that popular religious culture, precisely because 1t was oral, has left behind virtually no way to document its character. One of the fundamental characteristics of Le Goff's research is that he repeatedly stresses the lack of written documentation for popular culture. By contrast, the historian Aron Gurevich from the University of Moscow has argued that a common semiotic system was broadly shared across the different levels of society. 8 This analysis has several advantages: it includes both social practices (such as the continuity in ceremonial customs, that is, pagan festivals being turned into Christmas and Easter, or Rogation Days springing from the festival of Robigalia, and as such confronts the Christianisation of what could be termed pagan substrata), and it envisions the assessment oflinguistic records, however paltry. It substitutes the strict opposition of elitist, official religion and popular religion with a social continuum in which there are varying degrees of lean:ie~ness ac~oss the social spectrum. In so doing it raises the question of dynamic mteract10ns among different groups in society, presupposing a continuum of interactions. To support Gurevich's position, two well-known examples immediately come to mind which provide the pre-history of what Jean Seznec, in a celebrated phrase about Renaissance humanism, termed 'the survival of the pagan gods'. First, the Christianisation of pagan sites, what Nicholson aptly called the 'Christian appropriation of the landscape' 9 : many Christian churches were actually built on, or were believed to have been built on, the site of pagan temples or shrines (in part to demonstrate the victory of the new faith), whether it be Santa Maria sopra Minerva in Rome, the Baptistery in Florence (a false legend preserved by Giovanni Villani in his chronicles), the cathedral of Colo_gne or the sec_ond largest church in Cologne, Sankt Maria im Kapitol. These si~es_ were p_u~hc spaces frequented by all estates in society where pagan and Chnstian traditions physically confronted each other and where, as in the case of Rome and Cologne, the name of the Christian site preserved the name of the pagan one. Second: the social mobility oflower-class clerics within the Church sustained a dynamic interchange between 'high' and 'low' culture. Hugh of Saint-Victor (d. 1141), who in his celebrated remarks about living on foreign soil ('De exsilio') in Didascalion, Book III, Chapter 19, uses phrases culled from Ovid, Vergil and Cicero (that is, the language of the elite) in order 11z~"'prayer Aiiima Christi' dnd D~~inican popular devotion 109 to contrast the thatched roofs of his childhood with the marble hearths of his expatriate adult life: The man who finds his homeland sweet is still a tender beginner; he to whom every soil is as his native one is already strong; but he is perfect to whom the entire world is a foreign land. The tender soul has fixed his love on one spot in the world; the strong man has extended his love to all places: the perfect man has extinguished his. From boyhood I have dwelt on foreign soil, and I know with what grief sometimes the mind takes leave of the narrow hearth of a peasant's hut, and I know, too, how frankly it afterwards disdains marble firesides and panelled halls. 10 Similarly, the College de Navarre, established in Paris in 1305, affords a comparable instance where students recruited from non-noble, sometimes poor, backgrounds rose to become part of the intellectual elite. It produced such influential clerics like Nicole Oresme, Pierry d' Ailly and Jean Gerson. 11 Gerson's writings in French, such as the ABC des Simples Gens ('The Abecedarium of Simple Souls') or La Montaigne de contemplation ('The Mountain of Contemplation', dedicated to his sisters), address issues of popular piety and simplify the theological nuances of his Latin works, as Gilbert Ouy demonstrated in his bilingual (French/Latin) edition of some of Gerson's works. 12 , One further advantage of Gurevich' s approach is that it avoids seeing 'official' religion as a monolith, that is, it avoids confusing the limited literacy and mastery of Latin by the lower clergy with the profound expertise and linguistic fluency of the upper hierarchies of the Church. It does not confuse urban lay confraternities with rural peasant piety. It also does not lump together the geographically diverse publics to whom the different orders preached. We need to consider concrete linguistic documentation which might shed light on the nature of mendicant devotion in the context of the alleged split between elite official religion and popular piety. The kind of evidence here can be found in collections of sermons and prayers. Evidence from Mendicant sermons 1:he essential problem for the historian and the philologist here is the paucity of contemporary witnesses. Confronted by this situation, several scholars, focusing either on England or France, including David L. d' Avray, Siegfried Wenzel, and Yvonne Cazal, have looked to bilingual Latin-vernacular records including sermon collections and liturgical dramas, in order to gauge the inter~ action between official and popular traditions. 13 The most recent consensus, from a study published in 2011 by Herbert Schendl and Laura C. Wright, is that bilingualism in sermons reflects written and not oral practice: 14 We tend to consider early code-switching first and foremost as a written phenomenon, that is, none of the medieval text types which shows - rrtt"p;qu I h&IS Ciih&h &FIU switching can uncontroversially be seen as offering direct representations of speech. Nevertheless texts may preserve or even consciously use patterns of multilingual speech. 15 In the following exposition, I believe that a micro-analysis of selected short pass~ges from both medieval French-Latin and Middle English-Latin sermons can mdeed uncover direct representations of speech, all the while cognizant of the arguments to the contrary presented in the pioneering works by Schendl Wright and Wenzel. ' To begin with, the German historian Klaus Schreiner has pointed to records within the Dominican order regarding the use of 'bodily comparisons' in ser16 mons, an issue which goes back to a passage at the beginning of Thomas Aquinas's Summa (I.9). Here the Angelic Doctor discusses the appropriateness of presenting spiritual matters with bodily metaphors (spiritualia sub similitudini17 bus corporalium). The guiding ideal for Dominican popular devotion was formulated - not surprisingly - by Thomas Aquinas. To begin with, he was and remains the inspiration for the Dominican motto, contemplari et contemplata aliis tradere, based on the Summa, II-II, q. 188 a. 6: Et hoc praefertur simplici contempl~.tioni. Sicut enim maius est illuminare quam lucere so/um, ita maius est contemplata a/us tradere quam so/um contemplari. In invoking (indeed foregrounding) contemplation, this motto quintessentially defines the position which the Dominicans assumed in transmitting spiritual insights to the masses. Their mission of illuminating the contemplated mysteries of the faith for others faced the challenge that most of the 'others' were woefully ignorant. Minores, rudes, simplices, idiotae sine litteris, mulierculae: these were the various terms used by late medieval writers like Thomas Aquinas and Jean Gerson to characterise the majority of the Church, who were also of course the majority of the audience for the sermons preached by members of the mendicant orders. Toward the end of the thirteenth century, it became increasingly common to adapt a sermon's message for a popular audience by using vernacular proverbs or 18 froverbia communes. Thomas Aquinas himselfforeshadows this development. 19 An important sermon collection found in Paris, BnF lat. 14955 reflects this development. The manuscript, which seems to have been copied by the Dominican Jean de Montlhery, a younger contemporary ofThomas Aquinas and sub-prior of the Grand Convent Saint-Jacques at the end of the thirteenth century, 20 includes his ow~ sermons as well as several Sermones singuli from the pen of no less a prominent clenc th~n Ranulphe de la Houblonniere (Ranulfus de Humbloneria), 21 who succeede~ Etienne Tempier as bishop of Paris (1280-88). It also includes, copied by Jean himself, a famous bilingual proverb collection which begins: incipiunt proverbia in gallico utilia ad praedicandum. 22 Jean de Montlhery emerges as a key Dominican figure in the interface between high ecclesiastic culture and popular piety. In an important sense his copying of vernacular proverbs into a codex including sermons from the bishop of Paris is consistent with a central and perhaps surprising tenet in Aquinas's teachings on homiletics: his insistence on recourse to everyday experience DViillritllm'J'l'1'ffl'l!T l1l"VlffllM HI. (which meant, in practice, employing vernacular proverbs) as an alternative to the traditional use of exempla.23 The question of the interaction between high theological culture and popular piety was raised in the polemics concerning the linguistic status of sermon collections between Albert Lecoy de la Marche (1863) and Jean-Barthelemy Haureau (1873). 24 In their debate, the figure of Jean de Montlhery is also briefly cited, but first the background of their differences needs to be explained. Given the fact that few homiletic texts survived in the vernacular, Lecoy de la Marche argued that the Latin texts preserved in sermon collections had in fact been preached in the vernacular, whereas Haureau maintained firmly that Latin sermon texts had only been given in Latin. In his reply, Lecoy de la Marche pointed out that the same sermon col' lections transmit vernacular fables and proverbs in Latin, which permitted him to see these manuscripts as witnesses to a Latin-vernacular interface, though he · did not use this term: A chaque instant, !es predicateurs, apres avoir cite une parole de l'Ecriture, en annoncent la traduction (et vult tantum dicere in gallico, etc.); et cette traduction elle-meme n'est pas ecrite en franfais. Ainsi en est-ii encore des fables et des proverbes vulgaires, qui reviennent si souvent dans leur bouche. [At every instant, the preachers, after having cited a passage from Scripture, announced its translation (et vult tantum dicere in gallico, etc.) and even this translation was not written in French. Something similar occurs with fables and vernacular proverbs which kept coming out of their mouths so frequently.] 25 i The crucial problem in this polemic is that it fails to consider to what extent surviving texts may be protocols or reportationes of a sermon held either in the vernacular or in Latin by a scribe whose Latin competence might have left something to be desired. Nevertheless, one can assess mixed-language sermon texts to determine what the matrix language was. With this determination, one can then assess the quality of code-switching between the two cultures. This principle will be applied below, but first the concrete example ofJean de Montlhery merits examination. 26 Haureau, whose position on the fluid bilingual status of sermon collections meant he belittled any evidence ofbilingualism or language mixing in the delivery of sermons, forced him to discount evidence from Jean de Montlhery. He quotes again from BnF lat. 16481 with the following introductory comments: C' est un predicateur de la nouvelle ecole. II mele le frarn;:ais au latin sans avoir meme !'intention de frapper plus vivement ses auditeurs, uniquement pour suivre la mode. Comme clans cette phrase: Bona creaturea, quando tentatur de aliquo peccato et venit « au fort, » quad non potest « plus andurier », exclamat ad Dominum, dicens intra se: « Sire Dex,je me pardroie » si hocfacerem; et alia consilia cogitat qux ad resistendum tentationi faciunt. 27 112 Devotional cultures [He was a preacher of the new school. He mixes French with Latin without the slightest intention of impressing his listeners more vividly, only in order to follow the latest trend, as in this phrase: Fair creature ... when it is a matter ef some sin or other and, and ... and when it comes to «going all the way» ... and when he just cannot «take any more», let him cry out to the Lord, saying to himself, 'Dear Lord, I will destroy myself' if I do this, and he thinks about other bits of advice which help him to resist temptation.] In point of fact, pace Haureau, the French interlarded with the Latin here has the singular and rhetorically powerful effect of showing that the preacher understood rather well the nature of sexual temptation, and conveyed this dramatic effect by reproducing 'direct representations of speech', to cite the term used by Schendl and Wright above. Moreover, there is also good evidence that Jean de Montlhery could express himself in Latin without recourse to the vernacular when he was speaking to a university population, a sermo ad fratres and not ad populum, a fact which only enhances his credibility as a witness to the mixture of Latin and vernacular when he chose to resort to this rhetorical tactic. Charles H. Haskins quotes a sermon of his regarding the disorders at the Sorbonne in the late thirteenth century which shows clearly that he was a master of the purest Latin when he needed to be: Videbitis etiam aliquos sic rixosos, discolos, et litigiosos quod nullo modo potest cum eis haberi pax. Ubicunque sunt, Parisius aut Aurelianis, perturbant totam terram et totam societatem cum qua sunt, immo totam universitatem. 28 [For you will see them to be so pugnacious, so difficult, and so quarrelsome that peace cannot be had with them in any way. Wherever they are, whether from Paris or Orleans, they disturb every place and every gathering wherever they are, indeed, the whole university.] For our purposes here, these two examples of sermons from Jean de Montlhery confirm that Dominican preachers (and probably not only Dominicans) were fully and quite skilfully capable of adapting the language of their sermons to their audiences. In linguistic terms they were competent speakers whether they produced utterances in a monolingual (that is, in this specific case, 'high' ecclesiastical culture) or in a bilingual (that is, at the interface of Latin and vernacular) culture. In 1328, the Master General of the Dominican Order, Barnaba Cagnoli, put the matter of adapting to the needs of a vernacular audience even more bluntly at the Chapter General held at Toulouse: Cum ex eo quod aliqui in predicacionibus ad populum conantur tractare quedam subtilia, que non solum ad mores non preficiunt, quinimo facilius ducunt populum in errorem, precipit magister ordinis in virtute sancte obediencie de d!ffinitorum consilio et assensu, quod nullus de cetera presumat talia in suis sermonibus pertractare. 29 ~--11ie'"pT&jkT Mihl& CIJl§CI UFib D6friiiiittm~·wu•·--·· ~'- -- [Since for this reason some in their sermons to the people strive to treat certain subtle matters which not only are not profitable for morals, but rather would lead th; people more easily into e~or, the M.aster ?eneral · h e d in · virtue · ad moms o f holy obedience regardmg the deliberation and assent of the assembled abbots that no one as for the rest presumes to handle such matters in their sermons.] In order to understand precisely what Thomas Aquinas and Barnaba Cagnoli are talking about when they refer to subtle q~estions an? bodily metaphors, or what Jean de Montlhery's versatility in homiletic practice de.monstrates (truly veritable tour de force of code-switching), it is useful to cite a famous pasaa e from Dante written around forty years after Thomas's death regarding sg " widespread abuses by popular preachers. Dante is complammg ab out pr~ac h ers playing to the gallery. Members of the mendicant orders had been tramed to preach both to their brothers and to the fol~ (sermones ad fratres and sermones ad populum). That is, Dominicans and Franciscans ~ad be~n ~arefully taught to exploit the stylistic and linguistic registers of their pubhc, m other w~rds, code-switching, but this code-switching led to extremes_. At ~he sai:ne time, there is an extensive body of sermons written in macaromc Latin which attest to the faulty command of Latin of many preachers, but we unfortunately have very few texts of sermons in the vernacular to document the abuses, ~hough we do have the later example of Rabelais, who originally was a Franciscan, who frequently exhibits this propensity for corporeal vulgarity in treating s~xual and scatological topics (cf Jrotter le lard, torche-cu0. We also have Dantes famous protest (Paradiso 29, 1. 109-117) against pre~ch~rs who a~e better clo~ns, what the great French scholar of medieval homiletics, Barthelemy Haureau called 'ces predicateurs bouffons': Non disse Cristo al suo primo convento: 'Andate, e predicate al mondo ciance', ma diede lor verace fondamento; e quel tanto sono ne le sue guance, si ch'a pugnar per accender la fede de l'Evangelio fero scudo e lance. Ora si va con motti e con iscede a predicare, e pur che ben si rida, gonfia il cappuccio e piu non si richiede. [Christ did not say to his first company, 'Go and preach idle stories to the world,' but he gave to them the true foundation; and that alon_e sounded on their lips, so that to fight for kindling of the faith they made shield .and lance of the Gospel. Now men go forth to preach with jests and with buffoonenes, and!~ there be only a good laugh, the cowl puffs up and nothing more is asked.· ] That vulgarising ran the risk of preachers using obscenities was a fact atteste? to as well by Johann Ulrich Surgant in his handbook for preachers which is ' t I 4 TJevofionat cMtures considered a classical compilation oflate medieval homiletic practice. 31 In Book I, Chapter 18, entitled De regulis vulgarisandi, Surgant formulates fifteen rules which advise against a word for word translation (non super verbum de verbo sed ex sensu), for simplification (obscura et truncata pro simplicibus relinqueretur), and for avoiding 'gross' (as in rough, unrefined or rustic) expressions for female genitals (non ita grosse exprimatur sed pro vulna dicat vas vel porta partus mulieris). Surgant confirms what specialists of medieval Franciscan preaching have always known: that_ the preachers did not refrain from vulgarity when they thought it appropriate m order to capture their audience's attention or to drive home their points. To return to the Lecoy de la Marche/Haureau polemic again: Haureau mentions, but avoids quoting directly, a sermon from the year 1273 delivered by a Franciscan preacher named Gui d'Etampes that illustrates the abuse cited by Dante: le Jranfais qu'il entremele Jrequemment a son latin est le franfais le plus vulgaire, ses Jaceties les plus trivia/es [the French which he frequently interlards into his Latin is the most vulgar French conceivable, its crude stores the most 32 trivial]. Haureau cites another, this time not obscene example from the same year, which illustrates the bilingual nature of Franciscan preaching. The language this unnamed preacher speaks sounds as though it could have come from Umberto Eco's character Salvatore in The Name ef the Rose: Recognoscit eius [scilicet: Domini] bonitatem et curialitatem et postea replicat quod postea fecit pro ipso; et vult tantum dicere gal/ice: Sires, vos m'aves converti et m' aves monstree minorence et unques puis je ne fine de mon cors tormenter et de faire penitence. 33 ['He recognised the Lord's kindness and sweetness, and after he replied what he had done for him subsequently, which in French means as much as, My Lord, you have converted me and have shown me forgiveness and I will never again stop castigating my body and doing penitence.'] A lexical analysis of four striking words or constructions here (bonitatem et curialitatem, vult tamen dicere gal/ice, minorence and unques puis followed by the negative) reveals how Latin and vernacular were mixed together in a way which goes beyond mere code-switching. The formula bonitatem et curialitatem is, to judge by the witnesses assembled by the Brepols' Latin Library, a formula which was apparently used almost exclusively by Franciscan sources. 34 This lexical peculiarity is extremely valuable to identify the 'oral' context of the sermon in question. The second remarkable feature of this passage is the obvious Gallicism of vult tantum dicere gal/ice, which translates the medieval French vouloir dire35 and which would become in modern spoken French qui veut autant dire en Jranfais, rather than significat gal/ice. The third, in this case conspicuously lexical, feature of this mixed-language passage is the only attested example of minorence in medieval 36 French. It seems to be either an Italianism (minorenza) or a Latinism derived from MINORATIO. The noun here is formed from the ecclesiastical Latin verb The prayer X&1ma dmn anJ Dominican popular Jevotion 1i 5 MINORO, as in Ps. 88:46, minorasti dies temporis eius. Thirty-one of the 125 instances of all grammatical cases of the word in the Brepols Library of Latin Texts are found, interestingly enough, in the works of Thomas Aquinas. I have tentatively translated minorence as 'forgiveness' based on the (rare) expression minoratio criminum found in a sermon of the pseudo-Augustinus Belgicus (Sermones adfratres in eremo commorantes).37 The fourth, and strikingly syntactic, feature here is the prepositional phrase unques puis followed by the negative ne, which replicates the largely ecclesiastical Latin phrase NUMQUAM POSTEA, 'never again' (often found, frequently followed, not surprisingly, by the future tense, and again, not surprisingly, in Poenitentiales, to judge from the occurrences in the Brepols Library of Latin texts ... ). Neither Godefroy nor ToblerLommatzsch give examples of unques puis, whereas the online Dictionnaire du moyen Jranfais provides only one, and late (c. 1480-1500) example of onque puis, which suggests that its use here was clearly a Latinism, and indeed perhaps a clumsy one at that, proposed viva voce by a non-native French speaker for a Parisian public. The use of the otherwise unattested verb form fine with ne after unques puis, either as a 'felt' future or subjunctive of the verb finir, unques puis je ne fine de mon cars tormenter, also suggests that the speaker was not French. The micro-linguistic analysis here preserves the principle of lectio dijficilior, applied as a matter of course in the editing of written texts, and in so doing suggests that the principle of lectio dijficilior gives an important clue to the representation of oral speech - which the transcription has preserved. The salient point is that the linguistic micro-analysis here shows above all how the mixed language found in sermons is evidence of the dynamic interaction between high theo" logical culture and popular piety. Our Parisian Salvatore seems to have had a number of English cousins. A much studied sermon collection found in Oxford, Bodley MS 649, dated to the first quarter of the fifteenth century, affords valuable evidence for mixedlanguage sermons. Herbert Schendl, Siegfried Wenzel and Patrick J. Horner have all published an early fifteenth-century sermon, De celo querebant, from this manuscript, whose mangled Latin will make purists grind their teeth. 38 Previous editors suggest that the author of this sermon was an Oxford-trained Benedictine whose command of Latin is beyond question. A micro-analysis of the sermon suggests that this conclusion may be premature. The author's command of Middle English and Latin points to the matrix language of his sermon being a version of Middle English with clear Anglo-Norman/Middle French features. The confused linguistic status of this sermon goes back, at least in part, to the 1164 ruling in the Constitutions ef Clarendon, which denied ordination to the priesthood to sons of the villeins, that is, to Anglo-Saxon peasants, meaning that priests in England had to be Normans or Anglo-Normans. They nevertheless had to address their Anglo-Saxon parishioners in the vernacular, or in something at least approaching it. While this practice obviously stands in stark contrast to the continental practice of recruiting members for the higher clergy from the lower classes, it also affords a helpful and productive contrast to mixed-language sermons from France. The prayer Anima Christi and Dominican popular devotion 116 117 Devotional cultures The entire sermon collection has been accurately described as anti-Lollard, which affords an additional layer to its appurtenance to a culture at the interface of'high' ecclesiastical culture and an inchoate devotional culture in the vernacular, or rather, at the interface of a 'high' ecclesiastical culture attempt to vitiate a devotional culture too closely oriented on the language of the folk. Far be it for our preacher ever to cite a biblical phrase reminiscent of Wycliffe's translation of Scripture. A short sample from this sermon speaks of vines failing to thrive from lack of trellising, a remark requires further clarification in the combat against Lollardy, for it evokes an allegorical relation between a weak laity - the tender vines - and a strong, 'supporting' clergy representing the trunk of the vine itself This brief excerpt shows in linguistic terms how Latin and popular cultures were closely intertwined in the daily life of the Church, again the dynamic forces at work at the interface between high theological culture and popular piety: Set bene nouistis quod be vitis neuer so likinge in rami, neuer so fair ne so lusti, ex quo est gracilis et Jere nullius fortitudinis, nisi supportentur railis, cito possunt be blow doun and broke. 39 ('For you know well that, never were vines so flourishing in their shoots, never [were vines] so sweet or vital because [their shoots] are delicate and can bear no weight, if they are not supported by poles, they can quickly be blown down and crushed.') Even with the piling up of conditional clauses in the dependent clause (the Middle English sequence neuer so [. . .} neuer so, a double negative used for emphasis, complicated by the addition of two conditional clauses in Latin, the first beginning with ex quo calqued on Middle English from whenne, where the subject suddenly becomes singular with a infinitive thrown in for good measure, and the second beginning with nis1), the matrix language - and by extension, the matrix culture - seems to be Middle English. A reconstructed version of what the preacher really was trying to say in Middle English might have been something like the following: For wele ye woot pat be vygnes neuer so likinge in bowes, neuer so fair ne so lusti, from whenne pei be thynne and beren vp no wight, of lesse than pei be supportede by railis, sone pei can be blown doun and broke. If Latin had been the matrix language, the sentence would probably look more like the following reconstruction: Novistis enim bene quod vites, quamvis fructuosae in palmitibus, quod palmites, quamvis dukes et gratae, cum sint tenerae et sine aliqua fortitudine, nisi palis adjungentur, cito possunt cadere et deleri. The allusion to John 15:1-2 (ego sum vitis vera et Pater meus agricola est. Omnem palmitem in me non Jerentem fructum, tollet eum) seems to have left no lexical trace in our preacher's Latin, for he uses rami (probably b~rrowed from ~he Latin name for Palm Sunday: Dominica in ramis Palmarum) mstead of p~lmites. Our Middle English preacher seems to ignore as well the sc_attered allusions to palmites in the Bible (Numbers 13:24, Psalms 79:12, Ezec~iel 17:6-7, 9;John 15:2, 5). This assessment is important because this sermon is a truly a snapshot of the Latin/vernacular interface. It shows that Latin i_s being use~ both ｾ｣ｯ｡＠ tively and haphazardly - or perhaps in a manner consistent to a ~md of pidgm Latin which listeners would have been able to grasp. The Laun here may ~n fact be considered creative to some extent, for some of our Benedictine's L~tm phrases have hitherto been attested nowhere else, based on the documentat10n in the Brepols Library of Latin Texts. For example, the phrase set [sed] bene novistis contrasts with the usual Latin construction is sed si novi or sed si novisti[s], 'but ifl/you [thou] only knew,' except that the preacher here is not proposing a contrary-to-fact situation, but rather a concrete situation, so that he should have said Novistis enim bene. A connection of the vine, vitis, with the branches or shoots, - here rami, a probable borrowing from ecclesiastical Latin - is rare (although Vergil in describing viticulture in Georgics II, 259-370, us~s rami or ramos in 11. 286, 296, 307). 40 While the preacher may have known his Vergil, his parishioners of course would not. Instead of the Latinised barbarism railis (a dative/ ablative plural from the syntax, if not simply a Middle Enghsh ?lural nominative), based on Old French reile (Lat. REGULA), the normal express10n m Latin should have been palus, as in the expression vitem palis adiungere (Tibullus, Eleg. I,7: Hie docuit teneram palis adiungere vitem) without recourse to a backformation from Anglo-Norman supporter and where the vites is descnbed as tenera and not gracilis (which is nowhere attested as modifying vites). . The priest in this case was speaking to villeins_ who probably te~ded vi~eyards of their own, and the lexical micro-analysis here_ reve~s an mterestmg interface between two different cultures. The fact that his Latm usage contrasts sharply from ecclesiastical Latin would suggest, following th_e principle of lectio dijficilior, that the document in question reflects accurately his spontaneo_us oral production of something meant to approach Latin, for the benefit of his congregation which expected something Latinate, even if his Latin appears to fall far short of a standard of 'purist' correctness - but, in all fairness, maybe our preacher deliberately spoke what essentially amounts to a 'pidgin' Latin which his parishioners would have understood. . These two examples are snapshots of a dynamic interface between ecclesiastical culture and popular religion which seems to have been a matter of great urgency to the mendicant orders. Jean-Claude Schmitt iden~ified_ an _inter~sting process of interaction between these two cultures over time _m ~iscussmg a miracle cited in the canonisation of St Dominic in 1233 which is closely related to the earlier founding in 1206 of the first Dominican cloister for nuns in Prouilhe, near Toulouse. Its first members were supposedly converted Albigensians. As Michael Goodich noted, 'Dominic had identified the rescue 41 of women from the snares of heresy as a special mission of his new order.' He is reported to have driven out the devil from several Albigensians, who, as 118 Devotional cultures the witness, a peasant woman named Berengere, reported, suddenly appeared as a hideous black cat whom the saint then drove away. Schmitt connects the appearance of the Devil as a cat among these Cathar~, as a reified metaphor for a remark made by none other than Alan of Lille in his very learned treatise from around 1200, that Cathars are called Cathars because of their veneration of Satan as a cat: Alan suggests one alternative etymology of the name 'Cathar' (otherwise derived from Greek, katharos, or 'pure') in the following terms: 'Or otherwise Cathars are called such from «cat» since it is said that they kiss the posterior of a cat in whose form, they say, Lucifer appears to them.' 42 Schmitt suggests that Berengere 's testimony echoes Alan of Lille's etymology. While no direct evidence supports this claim, the hypothesis itself is still suggestive, because it prompts Schmitt to speculate that this simple peasant's testimony came to be picked up, via several sources, oral and written, by Etienne de Bourbon in his Latin collection of exempla, which were then passed on by preachers in the vernacular to the folk. Schmitt proposes a schematic diagram showing how the cat of Fanjeaux springs back from one culture to another.n Schmitt's model is intriguing, even if the essential connection between the scholastic Alan of Lille writing around 1200 and the simple peasant woman Berengere's testimony some thirty years later remains unproven. 44 The prayer Anima Christi in late medieval vernacular translations There are perhaps three immediate associations of the Dominican order with popular piety: the Rosary, the Feast of Corpus Christi and the collection of exempla for preachers found in the Legenda aurea ofJacobus de Voragine. In the case of the Rosary, there is some historical confusion between it and the popularity of the 'Angelic greeting' (Ave Maria, gratia plena), whose popularity is well documented in many prayers, especially bilingual ones which have been studied by Gerard Gros, but the text of the Angelic greeting is not entirely the same as that of the Rosary. The Rosary's real popularity as such dates from the Confraternities of the Passion (Corifreries de la Passion et Resurrection de Notre-Seigneur) founded by Alan us de Rupe (Alain de la Roche) in the late fifteenth century. Perhaps the most important association of the Dominican order with popular piety is the Feast of Corpus Christi. Recent scholarship by Miri Rubin, Barbara R. Walters, Vincent Corrigan and Peter T. Ricketts 45 has been invaluable in elucidating the evolution of this Feast. With the exception of Gerard Gros's studies, however, work has been focussed, at least from a philological standpoint, on Latin documents. My interest here is to recuperate the 'voice of the folk', the vox populi, in the interaction between ecclesiastical and popular traditions, and this in order to appreciate the dynamics of intellectual exchanges across a cultural continuum, and not to demonstrate ecclesiastical hegemony over the masses. For this reason, the prayer Anima Chn'sti is uniquely interesting because its transmission in the fourteenth century is socially and linguistically heterogeneous. The earliest vernacular version is found in the Zutphensche-Groningsche The prayer Anima Christi and Dominican popular devotion 119 manuscript (Groningen, Universteitsbibliotheek, Ms 405) whose transcription in Middle Dutch actually seems to pre-date its first attested transcription in Latin in Harley 2253. 46 The greater portion of this manuscript consists of a rhymed Bible, the Rijmbijbel of Jacob Maerlant, loosely based on the Historia scholastica of Petrus Comestor, but it also contains several Marian texts. Maerlant was not connected to any particular order, and it appears that he was criticised by some clerics for paraphrasing the Bible. In any event, this first translation of the prayer shows how closely linked it was at an early stage to popular devotion. The Middle Dutch translation preserves the paratactic syntax of the Latin original. Like the somewhat later Middle German translation, it uses the phrase 'soul of God' rather than 'soul of Christ' .47 There are 584 examples of the phrase anima Christi in the Brepols Library of Latin Texts, and 32 of the 58 pages there contain exclusively citations from Thomas Aquinas, for whose teachings on the Trinity the concept of the anima Christi plays a central role, as seen for example in Super Sententias. 48 It would appear that speaking of the soul of God rather than · the soul of Christ represents a simplification of Thomist Christology and cor1 responds to the instructions from the Chapter General not to over-complicate the presentation of theological issues to the people. While the prayer occurs in the earliest surviving manuscript of its Latin version in Harley 2253, it appears subsequently in inscriptions in two Spanish royal castles, written in a strongly Hispanicised Latin (no surprise given the proximity of the original Latin to Romance vernaculars). The first is an inscription around the entrance to the Sala Carlos V in the alcazar of Sevilla from 1364, built by Pedro I. The word alcazar is itself typical for the kinds of linguistic interactions between high and low cultures: much like the cat of Fanjeaux in the diagram of Jean-Claude Schmitt, this expression bounces back and forth between two cultures living side by side, for the Spanish word, designating a royal palace (whence its 'elite' status), comes from the Arabic word al-qasr, meaning fortification or castle, which however was itself borrowed into Arabic from the Latin word CASTRUM. The inscription was executed by mudejares (that •, is, from Muslims who remained in Spain after the Reconquista but who had not converted to Christianity) who built the entire palace itself The inscription was re-discovered in 1880 during the restoration of this palace. Anima criste I sanctifica me corpus I criste I salva me I sanguies crist I e I libra me I aca latas I criste I lava me I pasos criste I conforta me I o benes I ihesus I saude me I i ni primita I separare I te I apostol I madino defende me. 49 The phrase aca latas criste for aqua lateris Christi is a linguistic snapshot of popular speech: it is neither Latin nor Spanish, but is immediately understandable nonetheless. A second inscription from the alcazar in Segovia from the year 1412 is closer to the Latin and is preserved in the moulding or frieze of a room known as La Galera or Artes6n at the instigation of the English-born Spanish queen, Katharine of Lancaster. 50 In fact, Katharine had other prayers inscribed in the moulding as well, prayers which appear to have been her favourites. While the 120 Devotional cultures Latin prayer seems to have been popular in Spanish Books of Hours, Vincent Leroquais could only count ten examples in the 335 Books of Hours held at the Bibliotheque nationale de France. 51 The texts contained in such Books of Hours provide an important interface between ecclesiastical culture and private, secular devotion. 52 The importance of the prayer in popular devotion is in tum confirmed by its being reprinted in two early incunabula collections of prayers, the Antidotarius animae (1494) and the Hortulus animae (1498). The first Middle High German translation of the prayer, from the second half of the fourteenth century, is found in the Engelberger Gebetbuch, now held at the Benedictine monastery (a double monastery until 1615) of Engelberg, north of Berne (Stiftsbibliothek, cod. 155). It is transmitted together with an expiatory prayer attributed to Meister Eckhart, a translation of a prayer attributed to Thomas Aquinas (concede mihi, misericors Deus, quae tibi sunt placita ardenter concupiscere), and a communion prayer of the fourteenth-century Dominican mystic Henry Suso, who was a student of Meister Eckhart. 53 The striking feature of this translation is its connections to vernacular mysticism and also to female devotion. At the same time, Peter Ochsenbein has argued that the manuscript was transcribed for nuns who had difficulties with liturgical Latin. The Middle Dutch, Middle High German translations and the inscriptions in Spanish royal palaces reveal that the prayer had assumed an extra-liturgical status in popular devotion, sometimes, but not always simplifying its original Christological context within ecclesiastical culture. While the prayer originated in the context of early Thomism - and we also have the early testimony of the Dominican mystic, the blessed Margareta Ebner, from 1344, that the prayer belonged to her daily devotions - it spread beyond the Dominican order. In my last example, the Middle French translation by Christine de Pizan, the prayer returns to its Dominican origins. In the mid-1420s Christine composed a Passion office for the Dominican nuns of Poissy, just west of Paris, entitled Les Heu res de la contemplation de la Passion, a title itself reminiscent of the Dominican mission to enhance contemplation. For the prayers to be recited at None she translates first the Anima Christi, and then adapts the oratio Sancti Bernhardi de passione Domini, a veneration of the Five Wounds of Christ attributed to Bernard of Clairvaux. 54 Christine may have included them together because Pope John XXII had granted indulgences to both prayers. Inserting the Anima Christi at None, the hour of Christ's death on the Cross, seems to correspond to its importance as a prayer recited after Communion and does not simplify its Christological significance. The differences between the context for Christine's translation and that of the Middle High German translation are striking. Christine employs a highly subordinate syntax reminiscent of the French of the royal court rather than the simple parataxis of the original, found in all other medieval translations, and she adds rhetorical flourishes and amplifies the original as well. Her practice here is consistent with her description, en passant, of the oral French-Latin interface at the French court, found in the prologue of the still unedited Livre de la Prod'ommie de l'homme (1405-7), where Christine reminds Louis d'Orleans, the younger brother of, and often regent . Christi and Dominican popular devotion Th e prayer Anima 121 Chares J VI , o f h ow h e had cited both Latin and . . French. authors b" to fcor, K mg · prodomm1e · ('honesry, mtegnry · · ')·· 'EtJ·e vous omoe descnre. tant 1en charactense · et tant notablement, allegant a propos auc t o ritez sainctes , tant en. 1atm comme ·· en frarn;:01s, · par preuves vraies, · cnste de la prodommie du dnoble comme leo~ h et . vertueux homme ... ' (Vatican, Reg. lat. 1238, fol. 2r-v) ['And I use to. _ear ou describe [sci[. probity] so well and so remarkably, citing holy auth~nt1es, ioth in Latin and in French, in cogent pr~_ofs on this subject, as the legislator of the noble and virtuous man's integrity.' The transmission of the Anima Christi is exemplary for demonstrating_ the · range of possible interactions between ecclesiastical cult~re and popular piety. Together with the other examples from_ homile~ic pra~tlce analysed here, o~e can see that the traditional dichotomy pittmg elite agamst popular culture fails nt for the wide range of translations of the prayer. Instead, one must to ace Ou . l s eak more accurately of a continuum between elite and popu ar re igious i !1ture. While Christine de Pizan is a 'popular' theological writer be~ause, as 'a woman, she writes in the vernacular rather than in Latin, on the basis of the · 'sources which she incorporates into her works she is no less knowledgeab~e, no less infused with the elite theological culture of her age than o~her cle1:c_s of her age. Above all, the history of the reception of the pray~r Amma C~~sti, seen against the backdrop of contemporary homileti~ practice, is a stnkmg example for a more widespread interaction be~een high_ ecclesiastical culture • and popular piety in the evolution of late medieval religious culture than has 00 • r· often been envisaged. 1 See my study of this prayer: 'Das Gebet Anima Christi und die Vorge~_chicht~ seines kanonischen Status: Eine Fallstudie zum kulturellen Gedachtms , Literaturwissenschaftliches Jahrbuch der Giirres-Ge~ellschaft,_4~ (2008!, PP·. 55-8~-. 2 Approches du bilinguisme latin-franrais au Mayen Age: lingu1st1que, cod1colog1e, esthet1que, ed. by Stephanie Le Briz and Geraldine Veysseyre (Turnhou\ Brepols, 2010). See the editors' introduction, 'Les rapports entre latm et lang~e d 011 _e~ France septe,ntnonale (xii"-xv" s.): hierarchie, concurrence ou complementante? Pour, le re~era~e et !'analyse de textes medievaux bilingues', pp. 13-34, and N_icole Ben?u, Latm et langues vernaculaires clans Jes traces ecrites de la parole vive des predICateurs (XIII'-XIV' siecles)', pp. 191-206. 3 The briefest examination, for instance, of the over three, hundred ;,xamples supplied by searches in the Brepols Library ofLatm Texts for vulgo die confirms the regular occurrence of what amounts to an 'ut vulgo dicitur' topos. See ~lso M~rc Van Uytfanghe, 'Les expressions du type quad vu/go vacant clans des textes latms anteneurs au Concile de Tours et aux Serments de Strasbourg: .~e~oignages bacologiques · 1·mguistiques · · d e la "langue rustique romaine '· , Zeitschrift fur romamsche et soc10 Philologie, 105 (1989), pp. 28-48. . .. 4 N. R. Ker, 'Introduction', Facsimrle of British Museum Ms: Harley_ :253, ed. by N. R. Ker (London: Oxford University Press, 1965), pp._ xvm and xxi_: Harley 2253 was written at a critical moment in the history of scnpt, when scribes were trying to find a book hand which was not so difficult to write on a small scale as the traditional textura. [... ] On palaeographical grounds [... ] the fourth ~ecade of the fourteenth century seems more suitable than the second or even the third for a hand 122 Devotional cultures which has rid itself so thoroughly of the script features still in common use in the first and second decades.' 5 Ibid., p. x: 'Its speedy arrival in Herefordshire is not surprising in view of the relations ofAdam de Orleton with the curia and Pope John X:XII.' 6 Barbara Nolan, 'Anthologizing Ribaldry: Five Anglo-Norman Fabliaux', in Studies in the Harley Manuscript: Th~ Scribes, Contents, Social Contexts of British Library MS Harley 2253, ed. by Susanna Fem (Kalamazoo: Medieval Institute, 2000), pp. 289-327. 7 Thomas Tentler, 'Seventeen Authors in Search ofTwo Religious Cultures' Cathol' Historical Review, 71, no. 2 (1985), pp. 248-57. ' ic 8 Aron [AaronJ Gurevic_h, Historical ~nthropology of the Middle Ages, ed. by Jana Howlett (Chicago: Chicago Umvers1ty Press, 1992). See also his study Medieval Popular Culture: Problems of Belief and Perception, trans. By Janos M. Bak and Paul A · Hollings"'_'orth (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990). 9 Oliver Nicholson, 'Constantinople: Christian City, Christian Landscape', in T7ze M~king of Christian Communities in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages, ed. by Mark F. W1ll1ams (London:Anthem Press, 2005), pp. 27-47 (esp. p. 46), 'Christian appropriation.of the landscape involved subtle and profound changes in patterns of habit[ ... ] but 1t was not [... ] a matter of eas~ contmmty. The spirit of authentic Christianity did not simply succumb to syncretism with stubborn pagan survivals; there was no straightforward transfer of power.' 10 The Didascalicon of.Hugh of St. Victor, trans. and ed. by Jerome Taylor (New York: Columbia Umvers1ty Press, 1961), p. 101. Hugo de Sancto Victore, Didascalicon de studio _legendi, ed. by C. H. Buttimer (Washington DC: The Catholic University of Amenca, 1939), p. 69: 'Delicatus ille est adhuc cui patria dulcis est; fortis au tern iam, cm omne solum patria est; perfectus uero, cui mundus totus exsilium est.ille mundo amorem fixit, iste sparsit, hie exstinxit. Ego a puero exsulaui, et scio quo merore ammus artum ahquando pauperis tugurii fundum deserat, qua libertate postea marmoreos !ares et tecta laqueata despiciat.' 11 See Nathalie Gorochov, Le College de Navarre de sa fondation (1305) au debut du XV siecle (1418): histoire de /'institution, de sa vie intellectuelle et de son recrutement (Paris: Champion, 1997). 12 Jean Gers?n, Ge~son bilingue: Les deux redactions, latine et franfaise, de quelques <euvrcs du chancelter pansten, ed. by Gilbert Ouy (Paris: Champion, 1998). 13 David d'Avray, The Preaching of the Friars: Sermons diffused.from Paris before 1300 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985); Siegfried Wenzel, Preachers, Poets, and the Early English Lyri'c (Pnnc~ton: Pnnceto~ Umvers1ty Press, 1986), and Macaronic Sermons: Bilingualism and Preach mg m Late Medieval England (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1994); and ;"vonne Cazal, Les voix du people - Vo~ Dei, Le bilingualisme latin-langue vulgaire au moyen age (Geneva: Droz, 1998); see also Medieval Sermons and Society: Cloister, City, University, ed. byJacqueline Hamesse et al. (Louvain-la-Neuve: Federation Internationale des Instituts d'Etudes Medi~vales,. 1998) and Preacher, Sermon and Audience in the Middle Ages, ed. by Carolyn Muessig (Leiden: Brill, 2002). Michel Zink, La predication en langue romane avant 1~0? ~an~: C~amp1on, 19?6); and Nicole Be:i_ou, L'avenement des maftres de la parole, la predication a Pans au XIII" stecle (Pans: Instltut d Etudes Augustiniennes, 1998). 1s important to refer to Laura C. Wright's pioneering studies of code-switching 14 m_ medieval English: 'Medieval Latin, Anglo-Norman and Middle English in a C1v1c London Text: An Inquisition of the River Thames, 1421', De mot en mot, Aspects of Medieval Linguistics: Essays in honour of William Rothwell, ed. by Stewart Gre?ory (Cardiff: Umvers1ty ofWales Press, 1997), pp. 223-60; 'Mixed-Language Business :Vnt~ng:. Five Hund~e~ Years of Code-~witching', Language Change: Advances tn Historical Soctoltngu1st1cs, ed. by Ernst Hakon Jahr (Berlin: deGruyter, 1998), pp. 99-117; 'The role of international and national trade in the standardisati.on of English', Re-interpretations of English: Essays on Language, Linguistics and Philology (1), ed. by Fandino Moskowich-Spiegel and others (Coruna: Universidade !t The prayer Anima Christi and Dominican popular devotion 123 da Coruna, 2001), pp. 189-207; 'Models of Language Mixing: Code-swit~hing versus Semicommunication in Medieval Latin and Middle English Accounts , Language Contact in the History of English, ed. by Dieter Kastovsky and Arthur Mettinger (Frankfurt: Lang, 2001), pp. 363-76; 'Code-Intermediate Phenomena in Medieval Mixed-Language Business Texts', Language Sciences 24 (2002), pp. 4 71-89; 'Standard English and the Lexicon:Why So Many Different Spellings?', in: Language Change: The Interplay of Internal, External and Extra-linguistic Factors, ed. by Man C. Jones and Edith Esch (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2002), pp.181-200;'Medieval Mixed-Language Business Texts and the Rise of Standard English', in: Opening Windows on Texts and Discourses of the Past, ed. by Janne Skaffari and others, Pragmatics and Beyond New Series 134 (Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2005), pp. 381-99; 'The Languages of Medieval Britain', in A Companion to Medieval English Literature and Culture c.1350c.1500, ed, by Peter Brown (Oxford: Blackwell, 2007), pp. 143-58. Herbert Schendl and Laura C.Wright, 'Code-switching in early English: Historical background and methodological and theoretical issues', Code-Switching in Early English, ed. by Herbert Schendl and Laura C. Wright (Berlin: deGruyter, 2011), pp. 15-46 (esp. p. 28). Klaus Schreiner, 'Laienfri:immigkeit - Fri:immigkeit von Eliten oder Fri:immigkeit des Volkes? Zur sozialen Verfasstheit laikaler Fri:immigkeitspraxis im spaten Mittelalter', Laienfriimmigkeit im spiiten Mittelalter: Formen, Funktionen, politisch-soziale Zusammenhiinge, ed. by Klaus Schreiner and Elisabeth Muller-Luckner (Oldenbourg: Wissenschaftsverlag, 1992), pp. 1-78. Summa T11eologiae I, q. 1 a. 9: 'Et hoc est quod <licit Dionysius, I cap. caelestis hierarchiae, impossibile est nobis aliter lucere divinum radium, nisi varietate sacrorum velaminum circumvelatum. Convenit etiam sacrae Scripturae, quae communiter omnibus proponitur (secundum illud ad Rom. I, sapientibus et insipientibus debitor sum), ut spiritualia sub similitudinibus corporalium proponantur; ut saltem vel sic rudes earn capiant, qui ad intelligibilia secundum se capienda non sunt idonei.' Franco Morenzoni, 'Les proverbes clans la predication du XIII' siecle', Tradition des proverbes et des exempla dans /'Occident medieval!Die Tradition der Sprichwiirter und exempla im Mittelalter, ed. by Hugo 0. Bizzarri and Martin Rohde (Berlin: deGruyter, 2009), pp. 131-49. The following references by Thomas to proverbia communes are found in the Brepols Library of Latin Texts (more can be added with the term proverbia vulgares): Catena aurea in Lucam, in S. Thomae Aquinatis Catena aurea in quatuor Evangelia, ed. by Angelico Guarienti (Turin: Marietti, 1953), vol. 1, p. 67: 'Commune quidem proverbium erat apud Hebraeos ad improperium excogitatum: clamabant enim aliqui contra medicos infirmos: medice, sana te ipsum.' In decem libros ethicorum Aristotelis ad Nicomachum expositio, ed. by Angelli M. Pirotta (Turin: Marietti, 1934), p. 24 7; also in the more recent edition of the Leonine Commisssion: Sententia libri Ethicorum, in: Opera omnia, vol. 47 (Rome: Ad Sanctae Sabinae, 1969), p. 269: 'Et ad manifestationem praemissorum inducit duo quae communiter dicuntur sive proverbialiter.' Super Euangelium Iohannis reportatio, ed. by Raffaele Cai (Turin: Marietti, 1952), p. 405: 'Proverbium proprie dicitur quod communiter est in ore omnium, sicut illud prov. c. xxii, 6: adolescens iuxta viam suam etiam cum senuerit non recedet ab ea.' Acco;ding to Albert Lecoy de la Marche, La chaire franfaise (Paris: Didier, 1868), p. 516, the entire manuscript seems to have been copied by Jean himself. Nicole Beriou, La predication de Ranulphe de la f-Ioublonniere: Sermons aux clercs et aux simples gens a Paris au XIII' siecle, 2 vols (Paris: Etudes Augustiniennes, 1987). This incipit is cited by Joseph Morawski, Proverbes franfais anterieurs au 15' siecle (Paris: Champion, 1925), p. v; see Dave L. Bland, 'The Use of Proverbs in Two Medieval Genres ofDiscourse:"The Art of Poetry" and the "The Art of Preaching"', Proverbium, 14 (1997),pp. 1-21. 124 Devotional cultures The prayer Anima Christi and Dominican popular devotion 23 The literature on Aqufnas as a pr~acher is, ~t best, paltry. The best synthesis is found , - pre'd'tea t'ion et l'E'g1·tse chez mJean-P1erreTorrell, Thomas d Aqu1n predicateur' , 1·n LU E kh N' z d c art et . tco as e Cues, ed. by Marie-Anne Vannier (Paris: Cerf 2008) pp 13-28 Torrell pomtedly notes , ' 'externe · , . on p · 20·· 'L a secon d e grande caracteristique de· , . . un frequent recours a' l' ' · ·d· cette pred1cat10n reside dans h d' experience quot! 1enne La c ose et autant plus frappante qu'on ne retrouve jamais chez Thomas les e · p~a anecdot~ques ,qui. e;11aillent !es, discours d~s predicateurs de cette epoqu/~~~ h1stonettes a la veracite douteuse eta1ent censees illustrer Ia doctrine qu I' voula·t · Th e orateur , 1_ commumquer. omas, quant aJui, prefere en appeler aux sentiments et aux expenenc~s que chacun a pu connaitre par lui-meme. II donne ainsi a sa parole un po1ds de vecu assez mattendu de sa part.' 24 Alber,t Le~oy de la ~ar~he, 1:-'1 chaire [ran{aise (Paris, Didier, 1868);Jean-Barthelemv Hau;eau, Sermonnaires , H1sto1re litteraire de la France, 26 (1873), pp. 387-468. Fo'r the etat present on the question, see the studies assembled in Predication et liturgic Moyen Age, ed. by Nicole Beriou and Franco Morenzoni (Turnout: Brepols 2008)u 25 Lecoy de la Marche, LA chaire fran{aise, p. 236. ' · 26 See the entry 'Iohannes de Montelectorici (Monteletherico Monthleri)' in Th Kaeppeli , Smp . tores O ｾ＠ d'tnts. p raed'icatorum Medii Aevi (Rome: ' Ad S. Sabinae ' onus 19T) ;'ol. 2, pp. 482-4, and the passages which Haureau devotes to him in his ar~icle :, ' Ser~on~aires', Histoire litteraire de la France, 26 (1973), pp. 434-38. on 27 Haureau, Sermonnaires', p. 435. 28 Qu_oted by Charles H. Haskins, 'The University of Paris in the Sermons of the Thirteenth Century', The American Historical Review 10 no 1 (1904) pp 1-27 ( p. 19, n. 8). ' ' · ' · esp. 29 Monumenta Ordinis Fratn:m Praedicatorum historica, vol. 4: Acta Capitulorum Generalium (1304:'-1378): Admontetones et ordi_naciones: Constitutiones et Acta Ordinis Fratrun; Praedtcatorum, ed._by_Bened1kt Mana Reichert (Rome: Ex Typographia polv lotta Sacrae co_ngregat10ms de Rropaganda fide, 1899), vol. 2, p. 1392. ·g 30 Dante Al1gh1en, The Divine Comedy, v._ 3/1, Paradiso, trans. and ed. by Charles s. Smgleton, Bollmgen Senes, LXXX (Princeton: Princeton University Press 1975) p.330. ' ' 31 Johann Surgant, Man~ale Curatorum predicandi prebens 111odu111 tam latino quam vulgan passim quoque galltco sermone practice illuminatum (Strasbourg 1506) f 33r· also Dorothea Roth, Die mittelalterliche Predigttheorie und das Ma~uale C~r;toru~ : : Johann Ulnch Surgant (Basel, Helbing & Lichtenhahn, 1956)· and Erich We k ' Surgant , Joh ann Ul nc . h' , B'tograp h"1sch-B1bliographische . . ' er' Kirchenlexikon [Bautz nne BBKL] (1996),v.11,col.273-5. ' 32 Haureau, 'Sermonnaires', p. 411 33 Haureau, 'Ser?1?nnaires', p. 389, from BnF lat. 16481, fol. 19. 34 !he term. curtaf itas meant apparently, according to Du Cange ( Glossarium mediae et mfimae la:tnttafls, v. 2, pp. 670-1, online at http:/ I ducange.enc.sorbonne.fr/) suavitas, courto1s1e; see also curialite in Tobler-Lommatzsch Alifranzosisches Worte b h 2 (1936), col. 1160. ' r uc , v. 35 The . p.ict~nnaire du moyen franfais (http://www.cnrtl.fr/definition/dmf/ voulmr.idf--dm?CdXrmX~di;str~O) g1,ves the earliest example of vouloir dire with the meanmg of _chercher a expnmer, a signifier quelque chose' in Oresme's 1370 translat10n of Anstotle's Ethics, Nicole Oresme, Le Livre de Ethique d'Aristote ed b A. D. Menut _(New York Stechert, 1940), p. 114: 'Item, aucun pourroit de~an.de~ que veulent dire ceuls qm tlennent ceste opinion en ce que ii client que I' d d b1en est par soy ?ien et l'ydee de homme est par soy homme.' y ee e 36 The Thesaurus ltnguae latinae (Leipzig: Teubner), v. 8 (1936-56), col. 1032, devotes much space to the. occurrences of MINORATIO, all of which are late and ecclesiastical m ongm. Forcellm1, Toti us l.Atinitatis Lexicon, vol. 3, p. 251 b also gives three additional examples of the term from ecclesiastical authors. The Old French term minoracion, 43 44 45 46 47 125 in turn, would seem to be a Latinism recorded in at least ecclesiastical authors given by Godefroy, Dictionnaire de l'ancienfran{ais, vol. 5, p. 337, where the single example for minoracion is defined as diminution. There is no record of minorence in Godefroy. Likewise, Tobler-Lommatzsch gives no examples for either minorence or minoracion. Sermo 16, PL, 40 col. 1262, 1. 47. Herbert Schendl, 'Mixed-Language Texts as Data and Evidence in English Historical Linguistics', in Studies in the History of the English Language: A Millennial Perspective, ed. by Donka Minkova and Robert Stockwell (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2002), pp. 51-78 (esp. p. 73); Siegfried Wenzel Macaronic Sermons (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1994), pp. 274-7: and A Macaronic Sermon Collection from Late Medieval England: Oxford, MS Bodley 649, ed. and trans. by Patrick J. Horner (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 2006), pp. 184-5. Schendl, Wenzel and Horner all give the reading 'likinge in [blank], rami' which separates the vine from its branches. I would suggest that there is no lacuna here and that the passage speaks of the vulnerability of a vine when it is not properly connected to a trellis. 'Neuer so likinge [i.e., 'vigourous, flourishing, thriving'] in rami' would then refer to an unsupported vine whose branches receive insufficient sap to thrive. The original preacher or the person recording him did not sense the need for the expected dative construction 'in ramis'. I wish to thank Jane Chance for her clarifications of the nuances of the original manuscript passage, and Patrick J. Horner for his help regarding this passage as well. Used twice by Jerome, Commentarii in prophetas minores, In Zachariam, 2.8, CCSL, 76A (Turnhout: Brepols, 1970), p. 815: 'uinea dabit fructum suum, quae <licit in euangelio: ego sum uitis, uos rami'; and Dialogi contra Pelagianos libri iii, 3.9, CCSL 80 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1990), p. 110: 'et dominus ad discipulos: ego sum uitis, uos rami; qui manet in me et ego in eo, iste afferet fructum multum, quia sine me nihil potestis facere.' Michael Goodrich, 'Contours of Female Piety in Later Medieval Hagiography', Church History, 1 (1981), 20-32 (p. 21). Alanus ab Insulis, De fide catholica contra haereticos suis temporis, I, !xiii, PL 210, col. 366 A: 'Ve! Cathari dicuntur a cato, quia, ut dicitur, osculantur posteriora catti, in cujus specie, ut dicunt, apparet eis Lucifer.' Jean-Claude Schmitt, 'Les traditions folkloriques dans la culture medievales : Quelques reflexions de methode" Archives de sciences sociales des religions, 26e Annee, no. 52 :1, pp. 5-20, diagram, p. 12. He examines this incident in more detail in his study 'La parola addomesticata, San Domenico, ii gatto e le donne di Fanjeaux', Quaderni Storici, 41, no. 2 (1979), pp. 416-39. See: Miri Rubin, Corpus Christi: The Eucharist in Late Medieval Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991); and Barbara R. Walters,Vincent Corrigan, and PeterT. Ricketts, The Feast of Corpus Christi (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2006). Jos. A. A. M. Biemans, 'Het Gronings-Zutphense Maerlant-handschrift, Over de noodzakelijkheid der handschriftenkunde', Queeste, Tijdschrift over middeleeuwse letterkunde, 3 (1996), pp. 197-219. 'Goeds ziele heyle mi. goeds lichame behuede mi. goeds bloet drenke mi. <lat water <lat wt goeds zyde vloyde <lat wasghe mi. goeds martelie sterke mi. 0 goede God verhore mi help mi lieue here <lat jc nimmermeer van di ghesceiden en werde. behoede mi van buesen vianden in minem einde. trecke mi ende leide mi bi di dat jc di louen moghe metten engelen ewelijc ende emmermeer. Amen. Die dit ghebet leest die heeft dusent dage eflaets von doetliken zunden, ende dusent jaer von dageliker zunden. Dese gebede metten ajlate voorspoken zeinde de pawes der coninghinnen von Cecilien want zijs langhe begaert hadde.' See P. Leendertz, 'Zutphensch-Groningsche handschrift', Tijdschrift voor Nederlandse taal- en letterkunde, 14 (1895), pp. 265-83 126 Devotional cultures The prayer Anima Christi and Dominican popular devotion (esp. pp. _282-3); 15 (1896), pp. 81-99, 270-6; 16 (1897), pp. 25-43, 129-41; cf G.I. L1eftmck, Problemen mit betrekking tot het Zutphens-Groningse Maerland-handschr[i Mededelmgen der Koninklijke Nederlandse Adademic van Wetenscahappen, Afd, Letterkunde, N1euwe Reeks, Deel 22, no. 2 (Amsterdam: Noord-Hollandsche. Uitgevers Maatsc?appij, 195_9); J. Deschamps, Middelnederlandsche handschriften uit Europese en Amerika~nse biblwtheken (Leiden: Brill, 1972), pp. 88-93; Jos. M. M. Herman.5, Het Gromngs ~UtP_h~nse_ Maerland handschrift, Codicologische Studies rand handschrift 405 va_n de Umverslte1tsb1bliothee_k te Groningen (Groningen: Instituut voor Kunstgesch1edems van de R1Jksumvers1te1t te Groningen, 1979). 48 Super Sent., hb. 3 d. 4 q. 1 a. 2_ q. 1 co.: '_Nullo tamen modo filius Dei po test dici filius Tnmtatls propter repugnant1am relat1onum. C_oncedunt etiam quod quantum ad grat1am hab1tu~lem, per quam tota Tnmtas habitat in anima Christi, potest dici iste homo films De1,_ et1am secundum quod homo, non tamen Trinitatis: quia secundum hoc non habet 1pse compa~at101?"em ad relationes quibus distinguitur Trinitas; sed quantum ad graham _umoms d1c1tur tantum fili_us patris naturalis. Sed haec opinio no_n _est_convemens d1ct1s August1m, qm s1mphc1ter negat dici Christum esse filium Tnmtat1s, aut spmtus sancti' (cited from www.corpusthomisticum.org). It is also possible ~hat the concept of Anima Christi is so important for Thomas because it had previously been used by Hugh of Saint-Victor to explain the Incarnation cf his Tractatus de sapientia animae Christi (PL 176: 845-6) and Barthelemy Hauriau. Hugues de Saint-Victor, Nouvel examen de /'edition de ses CEuvres (Paris: Pagnere, 1859)'. pp. 125-7. a 49 Vincent Baestin, 'Une inscription latine Seville et la priere Anima Christi clans !es hvres d'heur_es ,du moyen age', Precis historiques, 32 (1883), pp. 630-47 (esp. p. 63). 50 Pedr? Letu~1a, _L1bros de horas, Anima Christi y Ejercicios Espirituales de s. Ignacio'. Archivum histoncum Societatis Iesu, 17 (1948), pp. 3-50 (esp. p. 41). In line 4 I have c~rrected t~e orig_inal _reading Cal(x Xpi, following Leturia's arguments, to aca [-aqua] _lateris_.~he mscnpt1on reads: Amma Xp1 sant1ficame / Corpus Xpi salvame I Sangms Xp1 mebname / [A]ca l[ater]is Xpi lavame / Pasio Xpi confortame / O bone Iesu exaud1 me / Et ne permitas me separari a te / Ab hoste maligno defende me I In hora mortls voca me / Et pone me iuxta te / Et cum angelis tuis laudem te / In secula seculorum amen.' 51 Victor Ler?qu~is, Les Livres d'Heures manuscrits de la Bibliotheque nationa/e, 4 vols (Pans: B1bhotheque nat1onale, 1927-43). 52 John Harthan, Books of Hours and Their Owners (London: Thames and Hudson 1977), pp. 9, 11: 'Combining sacred and secular elements in a manner found inn; other type of illuminated manuscript, Books of Hours have an especial significance m the history of rehg10us sentiment and in the development of painting( ... ) [and] though ongmatmg m the Church's liturgy, were used by men and women who lived secular lives.' 53 'Swer dis gebet sprichet mit andaht das hie nach stat, der hat tuseng tag aplaz. Oratlo perpetuahs Du sele Cristi heilige mich, Der licham Cristi behalte mich Das bluot Cristi das trenke mich Das wasser der siten Cristi das w~sche mich Das liden Cristi sterke rnich ' 0 guoter Ihesu erhoere rnich, Vnd laze rnich von dir gescheiden nit. Vor dem boesen viende behuet rnich. In der stunde des todes so rueffe mir V nd setze rnich zvo dir, das ich dich rnit <linen heiligen engelen lobe von ewen ze ewen. Amen.' 127 Diplomatic transcription made by Peter Ochsenbein of the Engelberger Stiftsbibliothek, Codex. 155, Gebet Nr. 97, fol. 172v-173r, which Frau PD Dr. Johanna Thali (Freiburg/Schweiz) has kindly made accessible to me. A less ex.act transcription is found in Valentin Kehrein, 'Uber den Verfasser des Gebetes Anima Christi, sanctifica me', Der Katholik, 78 [3.Reihe, Bd. 18] (1898), pp. 118-20 (esp. p. 119). See Peter Ochsenbein, 'Gebetbuch', Veifasserlexikon, v. 2, col. 529-30; see also his studies: 'Beten in mi.indlicher und schriftlicher Form Notizen zur Geschichte der abendlandischen Fromrnigkeit', in Viva vox et ratio scripta, Miindliche und schriftliche Kommunikationiformen im Miinchtum des Mittelalters, ed. by Clemens Kasper and Klaus Schreiner (Munster: LIT-Verlag, 1997), pp. 35-155; 'Mystische Spuren im Enge/berger Gebetbuch', in Homo Medietas: Aufsatze zu Religiositat, Literatur und Denkformen des Menschen vom Mittelalter bis in die Neuzeit (Festschrift Alois Haas), ed. by Claudia Brinker-von der Heyde and Niklaus Lagier (Berne: Peter Lang, 1999), pp. 275-98; and 'Lateinische Liturgie im Spiegel deutscher Texte oder von der Schwierigkeit vieler St. Andreas-Frauen im Umgang rnit der Kirchensprache im Mittelalter', in Bewegung in der Bestandigkeit, Zu Geschichte und Wirken der Benediktinerinnen von St.Andreas/Sarnen Obwalden, ed. by Rolf De Kegel (Alpenach: Martin Wallimann, 2000), pp. 121-30. 54 The text cited here comes from the forthcoming edition of the work prepared by Liliane Dulac, Rene Struip and myself 'O benoite ame de Jhesucrist,je te requiert, en I' onneur de celle saincte translacion que tu feiz du benoist corps de Jhesucrist ou limbe pour traire hors !es tiens, que vuilles la rnienne povre [ame] saintiffier. Corps digne et sainct de mon Redempteur cruciffie, tu me vuilles sauver. Benoist precieux sang de mon Seigneur, vuillez moy en[i]vrer en devocion. Sainne, pure et saincte playe du coste de Jhesucrist, vuilles mes pechiez !aver. Tres dignes et sacrees playes du precieux corps du Sauveur du monde, vuilles moy enlurniner de grace divine. Passion de mon tres doulx maistre, vuilles me en tous besoings conforter, aidier et donner pacience en toutes adversites. Tres bon Jhesus, te plaise a moy ouyr et ne me laisse de toy partir, deffens moy de l'esperit maling, en l'eure de la mort me vuilles appeller et mectre couste toy, si que avec tes anges je te puisse louer par imfini siecle. Amen.' See my recent article with Liliane Dulac, 'Affective and Cognitive Contemplation in Christine de Pizan's Heures de contemplacion sur la Passion de Nostre Seigneur Jhesucrist', Christine de Pizan et son epoque: Actes du C~lloque d'Amiens (decembre 2011), Revue Medievales (Amiens: Presses du Centre d'Etudes Medievales, Universite de Picardie-Jules Verne) 53 (2012). The prayer on the five wounds of Christ is found only in Analecta Hymnica, vol. 32, pp. 87-9. 55 Christine's command of Latin was convincingly demonstrated by Constant]. Mews, 'Latin Learning in Christine de Pizan's Livre de paix', Healing the Body Politic: The Political Thought of Christine de Pizan, ed. by Karen Green and Constant J. Mews (Turnhout: Brepols, 2005), pp. 61-80.That Christine could distinguish stylistic registers in both Latin and French was shown as well by Thelma Fenster,' Perdre son latin: Christine de Pizan and Vernacular Humanism', Christine de Pizan and the Categories of Difference, ed. by Marilynn Desmond, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1998,pp. 91-107.