Lemnos and Drepane: The Political Voice of Women in Apollonius of Rhodes (Translated and updated on march 26th, 2021) Ana Alexandra Alves de Sousa orcid.org/0000-0001-6515-1668 Lisbon University, Portugal sousa1@campus.ul.pt This paper is a translation with some changes and updates of “Lemnos e Drépane: a voz política das mulheres em Apolónio de Rodes”, in: F. Rebelo, M. Margarida Miranda (coords.), O mundo clássico e a universalidade dos seus valores: da Antiguidade ao nosso tempo. Homenagem a Nair de Nazaré Castro Soares. Vol. 1. Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade de Coimbra, 135-148. The Argonautica by Apollonius of Rhodes is inserted in the context of large scientific and academic developments.1 By that time, classical authors are object of deep study, commentary and analysis, in the Library of Alexandria, which may also have been directed by Apollonius. The poem fits in the frame of Ptolemaic Egypt and was supposedly finished under Ptolemy II (283-246 b. C.) or under Ptolemy III (246-221 b. C.).2 The search for the Golden Fleece imposed on Jason brings a group of young Greek men to the country of those whom Herodotus presents as descendants of the Egyptians (Hdt. 2.104): the Colchians. We do not find any direct influence of this idea in the poem. Actually we have no reason to believe that Aeetes, the king of the Colchians, is an image of the Ptolemies; we prefer to see him as an example of bad governance and eventually as a warning to the Egyptian rulers, because of his political behaviour. Nevertheless, the association of Egyptians and Colchians, 1 The famous Library of Alexandria has had figures such as Euclid, in geometry (at the time of Ptolemy I), Archimedes (c. 287-c.212 BC) in mathematics and physics; Aristarchus (c. 310-c.230 BC) in astronomy; Herophilus (c. 335-c. 280 BC) in anatomy, having distinguished between cerebrum and cerebellum, having describe the ovaries, identify Fallopian tube, the duodenum, the pancreas and the prostate. On the Library vide MacLeod (2000) and Brazil (2000). 2 On the date of the poem v. Murray (2014) 1 known doubtless by Alexandria’s scholars who busied themselves with Herodotus’ oeuvre, dividing it in nine books, may have helped Apollonius to choose the quest for the golden fleece and to enrich it with political significance.3 The two distinct examples of governance in this poem – an anti-diplomatic, belligerent and irascible Aeetes, and a diplomatic, conciliate and peaceful Alcinous – may suggest a hope to make the Ptolemaic kings ponder on governance. These kings, albeit being genealogically Greek, would follow the ancient Egyptian tradition of Pharaohs’ self-divinization.4 Ptolemy I was a Macedonian and his entire dynasty was Hellenic, both in blood and in culture. Apollonius may have wanted to invite the Ptolemies to think on the role they wanted to fill: if that of an Egyptian/Colchian Aeetes, if that of a Macedonian/Greek Alcinous. Nevertheless in this poem the political figures are not only masculine. Two queens stand out in their kingdoms: Hypsipyle and Arete. The term δέσποινα is employed to mention these two characters, thus underlining the link they have (1.790; 4.1113).5 The first rules Lemnos and the Argonauts meet her on their outward journey;6 the second is the queen of Drepane (Corfu) and they meet her upon their homeward voyage.7 Therefore, if the Ptolemaic kings may find in the Argonautica different political models, the queens, namely Arsinoe II, may eventually find in the poem an image of themselves. Actually the distinctive position which the poet grants Hypsipyle and Arete, besides enhancing the Ptolemaic queens, mirrors a world where large political and social impacting initiatives are ascribed to the feminine. We highlight Mori’s works (2001 and 2008) on the political meaning of the Argonautica. Sales (2017) studies the coins from the Ptolemaic age, analyzing the attributes of their divinization, on the obverse, always turned to the right (e.g., Athena’s aegis around Ptolemy Soter’s neck), and their divination symbols on the reverse always turned left (e. g., the eagle, Zeus bird that became a symbol for Egypt itself). On the soteria, religious festivals, cf. Stephens (2010: 57). On the divine status of Ptolemaic kings, cf. Pomeroy (1990: 12). 5 In the Odyssey Homer also employs this motto to refer exclusively to queens: Eurydice, wife of Nestor, king of Pilos (3.403), Arete (7.53, 347) and Penelope (14.9, 127, 451; 15. 374, 377; 19. 83; 23.2). In Apollonius this word occurs no more. 6 Oliveira (2013) analyses the episode of Lemnian women in Apollonius of Rhodes and in Valerius Flaccus, placing it in the political scope. The scholar intends (2013: 144) to underline the ‘danger of feminine interference in the masculine sphere, particularly in social and political organization’. Oliveira does not link the episode with the epoch of none of the two poets, as we do regarding Apollonius, and reaches different conclusions from ours. 7 Mori (2007) studied Arete’s political role in Apollonius of Rhodes, relating her to the Ptolemaic queens. However, their analysis of Arete’s speech to Alcinous differs, as we will see, from ours. From this divergence rises a different reading of the queen’s political role. 3 4 2 1. Lemnos: Hypsipyle’s political voice Lemnos had been ruled by women for about a year: the Lemnian women had killed their husbands and all the male population, when they felt sexually repudiated by those to whom they had married (1.609-619). The narrator compares them to the ravening Thyiads and says that when they saw the Argonauts, they armed themselves.8 Actually they lived an unquiet, startled life, due to their consciousness of the atrocities they had committed. 9 One of their frailties is mentioned by Polyxo: the doom of starvation when there was no more hands fit to work the fields (1.683-688). An elder woman, using the most powerful feminine weapon, oratory, convinces the women to change their strategy, which consisted in keeping the Argonauts away from their city’s walls. So a new tactic appears – to invite the Argonauts to enter their beds. This personal survival strategy, amidst the care for the collective well-being10, has a larger scope: it means the survival of a community doomed to disappear. When Hypsipyle accepts her council’s decision she, for being queen, should have this fact in mind. Jason also sees an advantage in having a son from Hypsipyle. If his mission led him to death, he would have a male child to tend his parents (1.905-907). But Jason’s concern is exclusively personal: what is at stake is merely his parents’ support. The Lemnian women are ensuring the survival of their realm. From the moment when the queen accepts Polyxo’s plan, this becomes a political strategy. Although no Lemnian woman acknowledges it out-loud, giving birth to masculine children would reinforce the political strength of their kingdom. Hypsipyle’s ability to govern Lemnos finds its confirmation when she offers Jason the throne, first at his arrival (1.827-829) and then at his departure (1.890-892). This invitation is a way to value the male leader next to whom she puts herself. Actually the royal privilege of governing is mentioned as masculine. Hypsipyle tells Jason ‘you will get a privilege/ which belonged to Thoas, my father’ (1.828-9). In this situation Lemnos would be ruled by a king, Clare (2002: 181) comments the contrast of this defensive posture, typically masculine, and the Thyads’ images, to which the Lemnian women are compared: ‘the extremity of male response of these females may only be adequately expressed in feminine terms’. 9 Hypsipyle states ‘we have committed an undue action’ (1.662). The narrator himself comments the massacre they perpetrated, in the following apostrophe: ‘O frivolous victims of jealousy, sadly insatiable!’ (1.616). 10 Oliveira (2013: 149) speaks of Polixo’s aim in political terms: ‘within the lemmas of γηροτροφἰα or γηροβοσκία, and of σωτηρία’. 8 3 Jason, and a queen, Hypsipyle, just as Drepane is ruled by Alcinous and Arete, and the Ptolemaic Egypt by Ptolemy II and Arsinoe II. The presence of a king does not diminish the woman’s ability to rule. One should remember that it was not Thoas’ presence that prevented the Lemnian women from performing a bold operation, consequence of their judgements when they felt repudiated by their husbands. The queen’s proposal to Jason is framed by a world where men are by rule the head of the community. Furthermore the offering of political power by Hypsipyle to Jason confirms her governing ability. History shows that women’s political strength depended on man. In 281-280 BC Arsinoe, the Thracian king Lysimachus’ widow, decides to marry her half-brother Ptolemy Ceraunus to sustain her position in the realm11. Albeit her elder son’s warnings, she trusted Ptolemy’s oaths in the temple of Zeus, in which he promises her that he will share the rule with her sons, against whom he, Ptolemy, would never raise arms, according to Justin12. In this parallel Hypsipyle becomes a prefiguration of Arsinoe before arriving at Egypt, where she married her brother Ptolemy II. In criticizing the decision to remain on the island13, Heracles suggests that the aim of Jason and Hypsipyle’s couple was to generate male descendants:14 Let him spend the whole day in Hypsipyle’s bed, until he populates Lemnos with male children and until these great news reaches everywhere. (1.873-874) Heracles identifies the solution for both the succession problem and Lemnos’ need for military protection. He reasons according to the model of hero which he represents15: the one who, like Idas (3. 556-563), repudiates the easy way in which the Argonauts accept Cipris. Actually 11 Hammond and Walbank (1988: 247-249). Just. Epit. 24. 2. 4. 13 Vide Finkemann (2015). 14 Heracles point of view is ironical, as notes Hunter (1993: 34-5). Jason is merely following Heracles’ example, who more than any other hero populated the earth with his descendants. 15 On Heracles’ character, cf. Júnior (2018). 12 4 Heracles physical strength16 is recognized by the group as a means to overcome any obstacle (2.146). One could think that the Lemnian women would not have the same understanding as Heracles on the importance of the male defence of their realm, for the narrator mentions that they prefer warfare and agriculture to weaving (1.627-30). But in any way the physical effort pertaining activities such as cattle breeding, agriculture or war could be inferior to that needed to weave. In this passage, however, the poet underlines women’s will to abandon their Penelope duty: actually the poet is questioning the traditional feminine role. But the Lemnian women are dominated by fear when they see Argo’s ship. That is why they are dressing themselves for war, thinking that the ship brings the Thracian people coming to get revenge (1.638-9). We may therefore conclude that these women could value male presence in their realm for protection. And Hypsipyle’s invitation to Jason, to receive Lemnos’ royal sceptre, is the recognition of the need of a male figure in govern. If it were not so, Hypsipyle would not have made such a proposition to Jason, or at least would not repeat it upon his departure. In short, the feminine strategic ability in defence of the realm leads the Lemnian women to think about different ways to safeguard their land: first, they take up arms, for there could be a war confrontation; second, they think about sending the Argonauts gifts, so that they may stay far away from their walls; in the end, they offer themselves to the Argonauts in sexual union. In all these actions and resolutions they have the initiative. Therefore it is them, women of Lemnos, who accomplish the third plan (the only one fulfilled), being themselves responsible by the sending of an embassy to the Argonauts and choosing, being each one of them, the man with whom they are going to have intercourse (1.848-9). There is here an overturn of predator and prey: it is the women, and not the men, who become aware of the need for copula and who lead the men into their beds. Here we see that the women are sexually active, while the men are passive. This inverts the case of the lion searching for a lioness in the forest, narrated as a simile in Book IV (4.1338-9), because the female predators in Lemnos see the men in front of them (they are not seeking for them as the lion for the lioness) and they choose those they want, since they are offering themselves to the women. In the beginning of the voyage the synecdoche is expressive: ‘In the middle sat Ancaeus and Heracles’ great strength’ (1.531). 16 5 Consequently if we ascribe to μεθέπω, the verb employed in this simile, the meaning of an active sexual search17, we conclude that Hypsipyle wants to prevent the possibility of the incoming men having an active sexual role. Actually, before the Lemnian women hear Polyxo’s ideas, when Hypsipyle suggests them the plan of giving food and wine to the men, she explicitly says that this would avoid their μεθέπω action (1.657-61). Few minutes later, after Polyxo’s speech, it would be the women to opt for a μεθέπω action. One should remember that fact these women have had before an active sexual behaviour when they killed all the men as a result of being sexually repudiated. 2. Drepane: the political voice of Arete The Ptolemaic Egypt was ruled by a king and a queen, and their power was absolute. So was Drepane, where Arete and Alcinous held the crown. There is no sharing power with other kings neither a council, like in the Odyssey. Arete and Alcinous are the image of the Ptolemaic kings also in blood ties. Actually if in the Homeric version they appear as niece and uncle (Od. 7.5368), according to an Alexandrian scholiast of Hesiod they would have been siblings. The marriage between brother and sister emulates the divine couple, Zeus and Hera and it comes from the tradition in the Pharaohs royal marriages.18 In Drepane, the Argonauts realize a group of Colchians was in their pursuit. They had already taken the fleece and killed Medea’s brother, who comes up leading a rescue expedition, to take Medea back to Aeetes’ realm.19 The young princess is again disturbed with the hypothesis of being forced to return home. She had already weaved a plan to slay her brother and, in Drepane, she becomes distress when she realized the presence of another rescue expedition. Therefore she asks the Argonauts and, at the same time, Arete to not give her away to her people (4.1011-3). The situation is vital because it may cause an ‘international’ conflict. Alcinous is The use of the μεθέπω in Sapph. frg. 94, v. 8 Page may have influenced Apollonius of Rhodes to give it a erotic meaning. 18 Vide Hunter (1993: 161-2); Mory (2008: 96-7); Buraselis (2008: 298). Theocritus (17. 128-134) compares Ptolemy II and Arsinoe II to images of Zeus and Hera. 19 On Absyrtus’ death as a key moment in Book IV of Argonautica, cf. Sousa (2013a). On the relevance of Absyrtus’ death to the development of Medea, cf. Sousa (2013b). 17 6 aware of that danger, since, to answer to Arete’s request to help the princess, he explains that giving shelter to Medea might unleash a war between Colchis and Hellas20. Alcinous, however, is not surprised at the queen’s request when she speaks to him in their bedroom, at night, for it was their use to talk about state affairs: ‘as usual’ is the expression the narrator employs to introduce the couple’s dialogue (4.1068). The queen appears, thus, behind the king as his advisor, maybe as it would have been for Arsinoe II and Ptolemy II.21 During this conversation, Arete receives a non-Homeric epithet, πολυπότνια, ‘most venerable’ (4.1069), which reminds us of the divine status the Ptolemaic queens had . Actually the adjective appears twice in the poem to qualify a goddess (1.1125, 1151). In the Ptolemaic Egypt, although the queens’ political influence is obscure22, Arsinoe II, wife of Ptolemy II, is highlighted for her titles and her religious relevance23, and is certainly known, at her times, for her determination. She was the first Ptolemaic queen to receive cult after her death in Egyptian temples (the Egyptians identified her with Isis) and in Greek temples. Ptolemy Philadelphus employed his resources to ensure that the cult of his wife and sister spread and became popular: he channelled a considerable amount of religious taxes to the cult of Arsinoe and he coined money with her effigy adorned with ram horns in reference to the god Amon, as if they were earrings 24. We find a similar effigy in coins of Berenice II, wife of Ptolemy III, although her cult was less relevant. Berenice II was associated with Io, Zeus lover whom the Greeks linked with Isis 25. Festivals in honour of Arsinoe, named Arsinoeia, were spread in rural and urban areas, namely in Alexandria, and in several coastal cities: Delos, Cyprus and Tera26. Mori (2008: 132, n. 164) notices in this diplomatic care the Ptolemy II’s neutrality when, in 252 b. C., he tried to maintain good relations with both Carthage and Rome. 21 Arete’s manner of speaking, her interlocutors and her words’ effect are a symptom of how Arsinoe II managed her political role, as argues Mori (2001: 89). 22 On the question of the Ptolemaic queens’ relevance, particularly Arsinoe II’s prominence, there is a lack of primary sources. Actually it is impossible to know the exact nature of her participation in political affairs, and to what extent the Ptolemaic queens exercised their power. Vide Hazzade (200: 82-100); Pomeroy (1990: 17-20); Mori (2001: 80; 2008: 98). 23 Mori (2001: 89) follows Pomeroy (19909: 19), in considering the title of Arsinoe as “King of the Upper and Lower Egypt’ denoting a relevance unusually granted upon a queen. Although one may not be able to know the political strength of the Ptolemaic queens, the posthumous religious cult surrounding their figures may be regarded as a proof of their political relevance; v. Mori (2008: 101). 24 Vide Hölbl (1994: 103-ss). 25 On this identification, cf. Hdt. 2.41. 2; Diod. 1.24.8. 26 Cf. Hölbl (1994: 104). 20 7 In Arete’s arguments to defend Medea, the queen starts with an apologia of a Hellenic alliance, using the argument of ‘gratitude’ and underlining the relevance of the geographic closeness of the people in need of help (4.1073-7). But here the issue was not to help the Greeks, but Medea, a Colchian maiden. Actually it was she, the barbarian princess, who asked for the sovereigns of Drepane’s help. The Greeks with whom she travelled, that is, the Argonauts, did not ask for any help. Arete does not speak about the possibility of Alcinous unleash a war by supporting Medea, but she is aware of that possibility for sure. The solution is highly difficult: helping Medea could anger the Colchians and lead them to attack Drepane; not helping her could place Alcinous in the side of the Colchians. Thus, the queen must strategically lead her husband towards the political solution that allows them to support Medea with the lowest possible threat for the realm.27 It is in the arguments of personal nature that Arete shows her political skill and demagogical talent. First, employing the expression αὐτὸς ἑκὼν, ‘by your own will’ (4.1086), she makes her husband responsible for Jason’s perjury, which would occur, in her opinion, if her husband gave Medea to the Colchians; then, she accounts him responsible for the horrendous punishment the girl would receive from her father, using the expression σεῖο ἕκητι, ‘because of you’ (4.1087). Alcinous’ participation in the supposed perjury of Jason is a fallacy, since it is a misleading displacement of responsibilities. By making the king of Drepane the guarantee of Jason’s oath, that is, the guarantee of the Hellenic conduct of the Argonaut, the queen ascribes Alcinous a duty surpassing the relation of xenia. In behalf of hospitality, Arete tries to lead her husband to feeling guilt. She does it again with the next argument, when she speaks about the parental punishment. In the first case, Alcinous must feel guilt with Jason’s behaviour; in the second, his guilt springs from what will be Medea’s future. Arete mentions three stories on three girls punished by their father, in order to move her interlocutor’s pity: Antiope, seduced by Zeus, who never gets to be punished by her father since she dies suddenly; Danae, thrown into the sea in a wooden chest by Acrisius of Argos, her father, after giving birth to Zeus’s child. Metope blinded by her father with bronzed needles after she let herself be seduced. There is a gradation in the episodes: first a punishment which was thought by a father, but never accomplished; then, the helplessness of a young maid left alone in the sea; We disagree with Mori who defends that in this episode the queen is merely a ‘strong lobbyist’ and ascribes the whole of diplomatic strategy to Alcinous (2001: 96; 2008: 132). 27 8 finally, the atrocity of a father piercing the eyes of her own daughter. This last story is the most merciless because of the act’s savagery, because it is the last story Arete tells Alcinous, because of the story’s length and, once again, because of an argument which is very dear to Arete: the geographic and temporal closeness: “not far away from here, recently’ (4.1092). What these stories have in common is the young girl’s love conquest always with her father’s punishment, and, in the first two stories, there is a childbirth. In these examples, Arete remembers Alcinous that, if Medea was in a similar situation she ought to be defended. Thus, the king decides, after listening to the queen, to defend Medea, if she has already given herself to Jason like the young girls mentioned by Arete had already given themselves to their lovers; he even speaks about the premise of her being pregnant, suggested by the stories. The king decides to help without violating Zeus’ justice and, at the same time, safeguarding the hospitality of Zeus Xenios.28 In the eyes of the Greeks, Jason – and not Aeetes – has juridical power over Medea if the union is already consummated. The narrator qualifies Arete’s words as ‘dense meaning’, πύκινον ἔπος (4.1111), because her words are captious. From these three stories, the king understands what must be his public decision. So Alcinous tells her in the eve what will be his public decision next day. In doing this he is expecting her to act according to what she thinks will be better for Medea. 29 The king’s words are, like the queen’s, qualified ‘dense meaning’, πύκινον ἔπος (4. 1200). Actually, only the immediate understanding of this problem solving can explain the pleased reaction of the king (4.1096-7). 30 If it were otherwise, how could we explain that Alcinous would get satisfaction and sudden tranquillity from the images of atrocious punishments and of terrible wars between Colchis and Hellas? Alcinous falls asleep at once (4.1110), because he has already found the legitimation to accept Arete’s requests and he knows Arete understood his double intention: he is confident that Arete had interpreted properly his disclosure of plans. Indeed Arete reacts, as is 28 The possibility of another War of Troy in which the Colchians would play the role of Achaeans is thus overruled. Actually the exchange of roles would only occur if Alcinous defended Medea without legal legitimacy, from there it will come a war between Colchians and Greeks. Hunter (1993: 161) remembers that, in Alcinous’ concern with Zeus’ justice, the king places himself next to this god, while Arete is associated with Hera in the protection she wishes to grant Medea by revealing Alcinous’ words (4. 1199-1200). 29 For Mori (2001: 97) Alcinous falls asleep after his talk with Arete because he is expecting her to act accordingly. We would argue that she will act and that Alcinous tranquility is justified by Arete having provided him with the solution for this problem with her stories. 30 Also for Mori, the king falls asleep immediately because he is expecting the queen to act (2011: 97) 9 expected, by sending a herald to the young couple instigating their wedding. Alcinous and Arete exercise royal power making the moves together, although the queen does not act in public. The sending of a herald to disclose the king’s decision which is to be public the next day is a political act done by the queen and it is also a way to highlight the social role of Arete. Actually the queen is handing the young girl to marriage. The ἕκδοσις was usually the responsibility of the girl’s father, of any other male family member who represented her. But in a time when men travelled frequently and when it was common for nubile girls to be left with their mothers, these would more and more assume this role. Also, it is supposed that the Egyptian protocol was rather less rigid in this matter than the Greek31. In short, it is possible to see Arsinoe II’s social and political prominence reflected in the role of the two queens of the Argonautica: being Hypsipyle the image of Arsinoe widow of Lysimachus32 and Arete the image of Arsinoe wife of Ptolemy II. There is a development from Arsinoe, still queen of Thrace, who tries to ensure her political power with a matrimonial alliance with Ptolemy Ceraunus, like Hypsipyle feels she must do; to Arsinoe II, already queen of Egypt, who steadily rules next to her brother, like Arete next to Alcinous. Although one should not defend the idea of gender equality, undoubtedly male and female complement each other, in the poem. We think that this is the clue to rightly understand the simile comparing Jason holding the fleece to a young maid in the nocturnal and dreamful atmosphere (4.167-173). The behaviour of characters such as Hypsipyle and Arete, able to weave political strategies by them or next to the man is the recognition of the women’s role in Hellenistic society. Men and women interact – and without this interaction they would not achieve their wishes. The Argonauts’ mission for the Golden Fleece is a clear example of that, since it would have been unsuccessful without the help and action of Medea. 31 Egyptian documents of Greek weddings mention both parents as the responsible figures to hand the young maiden in marriage (Mori, 2008: 137, particularly no. 175, 176 and 177). 32 Vide Noble (2008: 102). One may recall that after Lysimachus death, his widow Arsinoe took control of the troops which remained faithful to her husband, and paid mercenaries, she being responsible for some military disputes; v. Pomeroy (1990: 16). 10 Bibliography Brazil, W. (2000), “Alexandria: the Umbilicus of the Ancient World”, in R. MacLeod (ed.), The Library of Alexandria: Centre of Learning in the Ancient World. London, New York: I.B. Tauris Publishers, 35-59. Buraselis, K. (2008), “The Problem of the Ptolemaic Marriage. A case of dynastic acculturation?, in P. McKechnie & P. Guillaume (eds.), Ptolemy II. Philadelphus and his world. 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Links to ancient texts: http://stephanus.tlg.uci.edu/ http://www.forumromanum.org/literature/justin/texte24.html 12