“Literary Study”
In Apolónio de Rodes. Argonáutica. Cantos I e II. Estudo Introdutório. Tradução e Notas.
Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade de Coimbra, 15-55.
Introduction
When the Diadochi divided Alexander’s empire, his general, Ptolemy Soter, was made ruler of
Egypt. The Ptolemaic dynasty is also called Lagid and had a line of Macedonian rulers from 303
to 30 BC. It started twenty years after Alexander the Great’s death and ended with the Roman
conquest and the death of Cleopatra VII.1 Apollonius of Rhodes (c. 295-215 BC) lived at the
time of the first Ptolemies on the 3rd century BC, and it is unknown why he is called ‘of Rhodes’.
Most of his life was spent in Ptolemaic Alexandria, so Rhodes may either be where he was born
or where he went to after leaving Alexandria.2 His epic poem Argonautica was thus written
under the Ptolemies, maybe contemporary to Philadelphus or Euergetes.3
Apollonius may have been librarian at the famous Library, which was established by Ptolemy I
Soter (c. 367 – c. 283 BC) or by his son Ptolemy II Philadelphus (309 – 246 BC),4 under whose
rule Alexandria reached its golden age. The project for building a library has origins in
Alexander, who died without fulfilling his wish to make Alexandria the heart of knowledge. The
Museum was a place for research and learning.5 At the time of his visit in 25 AD, Strabo
describes the Museum as having a roofed walk, an arcade, seats and a larger building with a
common entry for its members who went there to eat (Str. 17.1.8). This building probably
pertained to the famous Library of Alexandria, although it is supposed to have existed two
The three following paragraphs recall our study on Alexandrian textual criticism (Sousa, 2019), with minor
textual changes and notes.
2 There are different academic explanations for the association of Apollonius to Rhodes, and for his relation
with Callimachus. These explanations derive from the scarce indirect information lend to us by both Vitae,
the P. Oxy and Suda α 3419. On this subject vide Hunter & Fantuzzi 2002; Lefkowitz 2001.
3 On the poem’s writing time v. Carreira 20014: 22; Murray 20014.
4 Grube 1995: 123 argues for 285 BC; Montana 2015: 78 writes on Demetrius Phalereus’ influence over the
cultural policies of Ptolemy I and advances the hypothesis that Theophrastus’ disciple may have inspired him
to establish this cultural institution in the model of Plato’s Academy or Aristotle’s Lyceum.
5 Montana 2015: 79 thinks it would be physically incorporated in the Palace as Ptolemaic property.
1
libraries.6 There is no information, however, of their location, or any description of them
whatsoever. It is probable that the largest, the Brucheion, was located at a small distance from
the harbour. Albeit we do not know how many volumes this library contained, we are sure it
would have comprehended a vast collection. Through this library passed some of the more
important scientists, mathematicians, geographers, physicians and philologists.
The origins of textual criticism begin in this Library with Eratosthenes, Aristophanes of
Byzantium and Aristarchus, among others, who developed the areas of catalogue, lexicology,
metric studies and critical edition. Apollonius himself was the author of monographies on
Homer, Hesiod, Archilochus; he defended the authenticity of Heracles’ shield7 and rejected the
attribution to Hesiod of Ornithomancy. Besides, thanks to the scholia uetera, we know that
Apollonius may have elaborated a philological reflection on the Homeric poems in a treatise
called Πρὸς Ζηνόδοτον.8
Apollonius is thought to have written several literary works, such as epigrams and poems on the
mythical foundation of cities, as the Alexandrian poets used to do.9 Nowadays we only have
fragments of these, which comprehend about 238 words, and his Argonautica, which remains
intact. In its 5836 verses Apollonius tells the story of the Argonauts’ adventure to Colchis in
search for the Golden Fleece of the ram which had carried Phryxus and Helle. The fleece belongs
to the ram which had saved Athamas’ son, Phryxus, from sacrifice. The animal itself was
consecrated to the gods and Hermes transformed its fleece into gold. There are several allusions
to this story; one is made by Argo, son of Phryxus. He tells the Argonauts that their father had
married Chalciope, daughter of Aeetes, king of Colchis, and at his deathbed had asked them to
retrieve their inheritance from Orchomenus (2.1143-53). After their ship was destroyed in a
wreck near the island of Ares, Aeetes grandchildren become members of the Argonauts’
expedition and warn them about the king’s ill-will.
The Argonautica’s two first books develop around the voyage to Ea, the capital of Aeetes’
kingdom. In book III the king’s youngest daughter Medea falls in love with Jason and the king
6 The smallest, usually called “daughter” or “exterior”, may have been in the temple of Serapis, since it was
built by Ptolemy I and rebuilt only by Ptolemy III; v. Montana 2015: 83.
7 V. Pfeiffer 1968: 144; Mason 2016: 2.
8 Rengakos 2001: 204 defends that this treatise may reflect a critical vision characteristic of Apollonius on the
manuscripts of Homer.
9 V. Hunter 1989: 9-12.
imposes unachievable tasks as a condition for his giving the Argonauts the Fleece. We are still
chronologically distant from the atrocious filicide Medea committed in answer to Jason’s
abandoning her. This epic story is placed long before, at a time when Medea would be about
fifteen years old and, burning with passion due to Eros’ arrow, helps Jason, son of Aeson, with
her knowledge of drugs. Indeed, Medea is well-informed in many remedies (πολυφάρμακος)
(3.27; 4.1677). Book IV starts with Jason’s expert retrieval of the fleece, in which Medea bears a
key role, and follows the long and laborious homeward journey in which the heroes are deviated
from their path when entering the Ister. While on the journey to Colchis the ship goes through
what is now the Aegean Sea, Dardanelles, Hellespont, Marmara Sea and Black Sea towards
Georgia, the return trip takes her through what is now the Adriatic, the Tyrrhenian, the Ionian,
the Mediterranean and finishes on the Aegean Sea and in Thessaly.
This concise epic fits in a special way in the Homeric tradition. Indeed, the Argonautica presents
almost the same number of lemmas than the Odyssey: the Argonautica is merely 353 lemmas
short, even though it has about half of the verses of the Odyssey (it is around 6200 verses short).
From the Iliad and the Odyssey, which are the main literary sources, come words, the hexameter,
the Homeric language (which in the 3rd century BC is a refined artificialism), some linguistic
structures, diegetic points of articulation, epic motifs and scenes.10
The presence of Homeric characters that contact or just see the Argonauts is a clear diegetic
point of articulation. Some examples are Achilles who, not as a swift-footed hero but as a child
on the arms of Chiron the centaur’s wife who raised him, watches the ship sail away from the
banks (1.557); or Circe, who purifies Jason and Medea from Apsyrtus’ murder (4.662-3); the
Sirens, defeated by Orpheus’ chant (4. 904-ff); Scylla and Charybdis (4.822-3); the kings of
Drepane, Alcinous and Arete (4. 995-ff), evoking Ptolemy Philadelphus and his wife Arsinoe
due to their blood relation11. There are also some characters evoking Homeric characters:
We call epic motifs to recurrent scenes which in the Homeric text are a trace of orality. For example: feasts,
storms, dreams, councils of Gods or men, and battles. We differentiate these from specific scenes occurring
only once which later epopees will evoke, such as the catalogue of heroes or the description of the hero’s
weapons.
11 In the Homeric version they appear as uncle and niece (Od. 7. 53-68), but according to an Alexandrian
scholiast of Hesiod, they would have been siblings. The marriage between siblings is the perfect union since it
mimics the divine marriage of Zeus and Hera; also, it has dynastic advantages; besides, it is the royal marriage
tradition of the Pharaohs. V. Hunter 1993: 161-2; Mori 2008: 96-7; Buraselis 2008: 298. Theocritus 17. 128134 regards Ptolemy II and Arsinoe II as the image of Zeus and Hera.
10
Hypsipyle, for example, echoes Nausicaa (although not her chastity). Her amorous relation to the
hero recalls that which in the Odyssey is deceitfully promised to the Phaeacian princess by
Athena.
Albeit this strong Homeric influence, Apollonius rejected the typical repetition of formular
verses12 and disregarded the repetition of Homeric hemistiches.13 There are no formulae for
temporal transitions (dawn, for example) or for introducing speeches, although one may find
scenes and motives which became characteristic of the epopee, as we shall see. The epithets are
scarce, and few are originated in the compositional process; most are simple adjectives not
referential to any Homeric poems.14 Apollonius prefers hypotaxis over parataxis, usually opting
for indirect speech.15 The concise Argonautica’s similes create parallels difficult to interpret.16
From the linguistic point of view the lexical variety leads to combining Homeric words with
words from the Alexandrian17 age, to which Apollonius adds the hapax18.
The poet’s work at a semantical level is particularly rich, but not only because Apollonius
amplifies a pre-existent epic vocabulary. In his careful choice of lemmas, Apollonius creates new
The few verses which completely coincide are not formular (note that at the time it was believed that a poet
called Homer would have existed and his poems were regarded as a whole). In these two books there are two
repeated verses: 1. 317 is equal to 3. 887; and 1. 526-7, τό ῥ’ ἀνὰ μέσσην στεῖραν Ἀθηναίη Δωδωνίδος ἥρμοσε
φηγοῦ, is again present in 4. 582-3. Note that none is to be found in Homer, although the lemmas may be
read in the Iliad and in the Odyssey.
13 The most interesting case, given its significative presence, is in the employment of Homeric expressions
always placed in the beginning of a verse, both in Homer and Apollonius: Βῆ δ’ ἴμεναι, βῆ ῥ’ ἴμεναι, Βῆ ρ’
ἴμεν e βὰν δ’ ἴμεν. The first two, Βῆ δ’ ἴμεναι and βῆ ῥ’ ἴμεναι (v. Od. 2. 297, 393; 6. 49; 8. 286, 302; 14. 531;
16. 340; 17. 603; 21. 7, 57; 22. 108, 145) create in the Argonautica a parallel between Jason, compared to a star
when he enters in Lemnos (1. 774) and Apollo, seen by the Argonauts in Thynia. Thus Jason’s apollonian and
divine character is highlighted.
14 An example for non-Homeric epithets is Juno as ζυγίη, ‘wifely’ (4. 96), which is neither to be found in the
Homeric poems not in any 5th century BC poet. Other epithets, as far as we know, may come from nonHomeric sources, but perhaps equally old. Thus, for example, εὐτρόχαλος does not come from Homer but is
present in Hesiod (Op. 599, 806), and in Apollonius qualifies vehicles (1. 845; 3. 889), body limbs (2. 46), a
ball (1. 135) and a chant (4. 907). Also, καλλίναος, which is not Homeric but may be found once in the 5 th
century to qualify waters, specifically those of the river Cephissus (E. Alc. 835, 589), is attributed to the spring
where dwelt the nymph who kidnaps Hylas. We underline as well the hapax ἐύστειρος (1.404).
15 The employment of indirect speech may lead to verse repetition, such as in 3. 409-410 and 3. 495-6.
Sometimes it is not indirect speech but echoes of words of a character in the speech of some other character.
Thus, Hypsipyle’s words to Iphinoe in 1. 703-7 echo the latter’s speech to the argonauts 1. 712-6.
16 One of the most incomprehensible is when Apollonius compares Jason to a young maid, after retrieving
the Golden Fleece; v. our interpretation in Sousa 2020: 144.
17 For example, λαιμοτομέω, ‘to behead’ (2.840; 4.1061); v. Str. 7.2.3; Str. Chr. 7.11; Plu. Oth. 2.3.
18 In these books we have the verb συνεδριάομαι, ‘to seat’ (1. 328), προπροβιάζομαι, ‘to force an advance’ (1.
386), συγκτερεΐζω, ‘to participate in funeral rites’ (2. 838), ὑπεξαφύομαι, ‘to be drained’ (2.983).
12
readings which we call ‘horizontal’, that is, readings concerning the poem per se, and ‘vertical’,
meaning the extra-textual references, such as the Homeric model. Constituting new parallel
readings in books I and II, on the one hand, and books III and IV, on the other, is a constant
exercise in Apollonius’ epopee, by means of semantics19 and rare verse repetitions20 which lead
his reader towards new interpretative readings. Apollonius’ several lemmas create, thus, like the
Wagnerian leitmotiven, reminiscences, about forty in the Ring and about as many as there are
lemmas in the Argonautica.21 This subtle and veiled way for creating parallel meanings in the
narrative is specific to this epopee and gives it special literary richness.22
The way Apollonius employs ‘epic motifs’ demonstrates that his Argonautica is not a nostalgic
revivalism of ancient epopee. Instead, Apollonius employs two major literary works, the Iliad
and the Odyssey, to create something new and bold subtly presenting his perspective on the rule
of the Ptolemies.
The war motif is patent in the Argonautica’s first two books, in Cyzicus and the land of the
Bebrycians. Short, brutal and unnecessary are adjectives fit for these battles. The fight goes
wrong for the sovereign promoting it, an arrogant king governing inhospitable Bebrycians. In
the country of the Doliones a fight is improbable, since Cyzicus and his people are hospitable.
The episode in Lemnos which evokes the Odyssey’s country of the Phaeacians also points towards the
second couple of the poem, Jason and Medea in book III. Note the similarities in verses 1.699 and 3.1078,
1.784 and 3.1022, 1.799 and 3.1008.
20 The verse Αὐτὰρ ἐπεί ῥα πόληος ἐυδμήτους λίπ’ ἀγυιάς, ‘when they left the well-built streets of the city’
(1.317; 3.887), allows us to establish a parallel betwenn Medea and Jason. First, Jason is going away from
Iolcos to board the Argos; second, Mede is going to meet his for the first time, in the temple outside Ea. This
parallel is a way to announce Medea’s metamorphosis into Argonaut, as we argue in Sousa 2013a. The verses
τό ῥ’ ἀνὰ μέσσην / στεῖραν Ἀθηναίη Δωδωνίδος ἥρμοσε φηγοῦ (1.526-7; 4.582-3) suggest a relation between
Athena’s role in the building of the Argos, a good omen for the expedition, with the sole moment when the
Argonauts may seriously fail their mission due to Zeus’ ire which was unleash because of Absyrtus’ murder.
Also, it allows us to understand the significance of the ship’s beam: it is a messenger from the gods. In book I
it is merely a trace of the ship, but its importance is made clear in book IV, when the ship explains Zeus’
thought.
21 This aesthetic care is a symptom of the rigorous philological perspective with which the Alexandrian
scholars worked. V. Montana 2015: 69: ‘The alliance between Hellenistic scholarship and poetry can
ultimately be described as a metapoetic or self-reflecting procedure that radiated bidirectionally. Intellectual
activity involving the application of philological means to poetry not infrequently coexisted with the
incorporation of philology within poetry, so that critical interpretation and poetry tended to merge’.
22 V. Sousa 2013b. We analyzed the meaning of book IV’s invocation, particularly its terms. In Sousa 2021 we
analyzed the theme of ‘thresholds’ as symptoms of a diegetic change. A study on the political connotation of
epithets qualifying speeches by the heroes and the peoples with whom they contact is forthcoming. The
analysis of women’s political relevance in Apollonius’ epopee led us to underline some themes by which new
interpretational readings may be created, v. Sousa 2020.
19
The absence of nocturnal light, itself a metaphor for the blindness of war, does not allow the
heroes to realize they had returned to the departure place. The act is absolutely impious, since it
is a violation of θέμις.23 This war is the worst mistake, since it implied breaking the bonds of
φιλία created by ξενία, bonds which in the fifth century BC Greek world were very close to
family relations.24
There are two scenes in books I of the Argonautica which recall the catalogue of the ships and a
description of the hero’s weapons, both in Iliad. The former becomes a reckoning of names of
heroes, their ascendancy and geographic provenance, their distinguishing skills and eventual
adventures associated to the reason of why they are going on the ship which names them
Argonauts.25 The description of the arms of Achilles is evoked in the ekphrasis of Jason’s cloak.
To describe his arms would be nonsensical, although he does possess them as we know since he
fought in Cyzicus and the land of the Bebrycians. But the apollonian radiance of Jason’s cloak is
more adequate than weapons and more coherent with his diplomatic way of talking to the king of
Colchis.26 This cloak’s splendour places Jason in Ptolemaic magnificence.27
In this poem influenced by Homer, Apollonius creates a new aesthetics and promotes a new
message. There is no more the hero’s defence of his personal glory but the encomium of the
collective (e.g. the Argonauts as a group of heroes) in which the leader has a democratic role
among his peers. This is clear in Jason’s words when he shares his worries with the group,
dialoguing with Tiphys (2.634-637). In this scene the old hero characterized by a colossal
strength gives way to the young hero who doubts, hesitates, asks, conciliates, dialogues and
adapts himself to the circumstances, always as peacefully as possible.
(to be continued)
The Homeric texto inserts ξενία in θέμις, the sacred law: ξείνιά τ’ εὖ παρέθηκεν, ἅ τε ξείνοις θέμις ἐστίν, ‘they
gave the hospitality which is a sacred law for guests and hosts (Il. 11.777; v. Od. 9.267, 24.285; Pi. O. 8.21; N.
11.7). Apollonius echoes this idea in speaking about the hospitality Aeetes gave to Phryxo: ὅτις μάλα κύντατος
ἀνδρῶν / Ξεινίου αἰδεῖται Ζηνὸς θέμιν ἠδ’ ἀλεγίζει, “even the most evil of men& respects the Hospitable
Zeus’ sacred law and is attentive to it” (3.191-2).
24 V. Herman 1987 on ξενία as ‘ritualised friendship’, instead of ‘guest-friendship’.
25 On the catalogue of heroes in the Argonautica v. Harder 2019.
26 The study of epithets characterizing the speech of both Argonauts, and the Greek and non-Greek kings
with whom they contact, underlines the encomium of diplomacy over political strategy.
27 On the solar image of the Ptolemaic empire v. our following commentary to Book I’s invocation.
23
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